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CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


JOHX  BKOWN  OF  HABrEB’S  FEEEY, 


Frontispiece. 


CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

OF 

HARPER’S  FERRY 


A ‘Preliminary  Incident  to  the  Great  Civil  War 
of  America 


By 

JOHN  NEWTON 


NEW  YORK 

A.  WESSELS  COMPANY 

7— 9,  West  i8th  Street 
1902 


HARPER’S  FERRY,  FROM  THE  MARYLAND  SIDE. 


PREFACE 

This  little  book — the  product  of  the  scanty  leisure 
of  five  years — does  not  profess  to  be  written  in  the 
spirit  of  cold,  rigid  impartiality.  It  expresses  the 
point  of  view  of  a frank  admirer  of  John  Brown’s 
character  and  career.  At  the  same  time  it  contains 
no  conscious  evasion  of  difficulties,  nor  perversion  of 
detrimental  facts.  Every  care  has  been  taken  to 
arrive  at  the  exact  facts  on  disputed  points,  and  to 
state  those  facts  clearly.  As  far  as  the  writer  knows, 
nothing  but  the  truth  is  told,  but  it  is  “the  truth 
told  lovingly.” 

So  that  the  text  may  not  be  burdened  by  numerous 
footnotes,  I desire  to  express  here  my  obligations  to 
the  following  writers.  For  part  of  Chapter  I.  I am 
indebted  to  Mr  Ascott  R.  Hope,  whose  Heroes  in 
Homespun  furnishes  many  interesting  particulars  of 
the  Anti-Slavery  struggle  in  a convenient  form. 

V 


308506 


VI 


PREFACE 


The  earliest  life  of  Brown  issued  in  England  was 
Richard  D.  Webb’s  Life  and  Letters , published  in 
1862,  from  which  I have  quoted  freely,  as  also  from 
Redpath’s  Life , the  first  written  in  America.  Indeed, 
these  two  writers  have  supplied  me  with  the  bulk 
of  the  material  used  in  this  book.  Since  these 
were  issued,  important  information  has  come  to  light 
not  available  at  so  early  a date,  and  much  of  this  is 
to  be  found  in  F.  B.  Sanborn’s  Life  and  Letters  of 
fohn  Brown , Liberator  of  Kansas.  Written  by  an  old 
and  confidential  friend  of  Brown’s,  this  voluminous 
work  may  be  considered  the  final  and  authoritative 
life  from  the  point  of  view  of  an  intimate  personal 
study,  and  all  future  writers  will  be  under  a debt 
of  obligation  to  it.  It  contains  a number  of  letters 
not  to  be  found  elsewhere,  and  I quote  two  on  pp. 
43  and  45.  My  obligations  on  other  points  are 
expressed  in  the  body  of  the  work. 

Fuller  particulars  of  Brown’s  companions  are 
supplied  in  R.  J.  Hinton’s  John  Brown  and  his 
Men , issued  in  1894,  the  last  Life  published  in 
America.  In  addition  to  the  references  in  the 
body  of  the  book,  I desire  here  to  express  my 
indebtedness  to  this  Life  for  some  material  used 


PREFACE 


vii 

in  the  last  chapter,  and  particularly  for  information 
on  the  history  of  Brown’s  family  subsequent  to 
his  death.  This  work  is  also  by  a personal  friend, 
one  who  took  part  in  the  struggle  in  Kansas. 

The  scheme  of  neither  writer  permitted  him  to 
set  Brown’s  career  in  any  proper  perspective  to 
the  moral  and  political  movements  of  the  time, 
a task  I have  attempted  in  the  present  volume. 

For  an  understanding  of  the  general  political  policy 
of  the  times,  Nicolay  and  Hay’s  Life  of  Lincoln 
is  indispensable,  and  to  them,  as  also  to  Dr  John 
Fiske’s  History  of  the  United  States,  I am  largely 
indebted  for  the  material  used  in  Chapter  II. 

Quotations  from  and  references  to  Brown,  in  the 
lives  and  works  of  Emerson,  Thoreau,  Whittier, 
Channing,  Wendell  Phillips.  Douglass,  etc.,  are  too 
scattered  and  fragmentary  to  need  detailed  notice. 
But  they  furnish  interesting  side-lights  on  Brown’s 
influence  upon  thinkers,  and  enable  us  to  realise  the 
view  taken  of  his  character  and  work  by  some  of  his 
most  distinguished  contemporaries. 

In  conclusion,  the  writer  cannot  help  expressing 
his  feeling  of  the  immense  distance  which  separates 
the  picture  here  attempted  from  the  conception  in  his 


30850G 


PREFACE 


viii 

own  mind  of  what  is  necessary  to  an  adequate  and 
worthy  presentation  of  a noble  career.  Such  as  it  is, 
he  offers  it  to  all  sympathetic  readers,  who,  in  an  age 
tainted  with  selfishness  and  greed,  still  preserve  a 
love  of  all  heroic  endeavour  and  unselfish  sacrifice  in 
the  “service  of  humanity.” 

JOHN  NEWTON. 

Plymouth, 

1st  January  1902. 


CONTENTS 


CHAP.  PAGE 

I.  WHAT  WAS  SLAVERY?  ....  I 

II.  THE  STATE  AND  SLAVERY  . . . IO 

III.  JOHN  BROWN’S  BOYHOOD  . . . .24 

IV.  BUSINESS  AND  FAMILY  LIFE  . . -30 

V.  THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS  . . -49 

VI.  KANSAS  BORDER  WARS  . . . -63 

VII.  TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA  . . 95 

VIII.  LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS  . . . 1 16 

IX.  FINAL  PREPARATIONS  . . . -135 

X.  HARPER’S  FERRY  . . . . 1 50 

XI.  THE  FUGITIVES  . . . . .165 

XII.  THE  TRIAL  . . . . . 1 71 

XIII.  THE  INTERIM  . . . . .196 

XIV.  MARTYRDOM  . . . . . .258 

XV.  RESULTS:  CONCLUSION  . . . .268 


IX 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PORTRAIT  OF  JOHN  BROWN  . 

Frontispiece 

HARPER’S  FERRY  .... 

Facing  page  I 

ANOTHER  VIEW  OF  HARPER’S  FERRY,  LOOK- 
ING WEST  ..... 

11 

95 

DUNKER  CHAPEL  .... 

55 

135 

MAP  OF  HARPER’S  FERRY 

55 

I5° 

PORTRAIT  OF  COL.  R.  E.  LEE  . 

55 

159 

COL.  LEE’S  MARINES  ATTACKING  THE 

ENGINE-HOUSE  .... 

55 

164 

THE  COURT-HOUSE,  CHARLESTOWN  . 

55 

196 

KENNEDY  FARMHOUSE 

55 

OO 

LO 

w 

“JOHN  BROWN’S  body ” (Music  and  Words) 

55 

288 

xi 


Captain  John  Brown 


CHAPTER  I 

WHAT  WAS  SLAVERY? 

It  is  very  difficult  for  the  generation  which  has 
grown  up  since  the  great  Civil  War  of  America  to 
realise  the  awful  horrors  of  that  system  of  domestic 
slavery  which  so  long  stained  the  fair  fame  of  the 
United  States,  and  brought  untold  suffering  upon 
millions  of  human  beings  whose  only  fault  was  that 
they  had  negro  blood  in  their  veins.  And  Uncle 
Tonis  Cabin , which  concentrates  rather  than  ex- 
aggerates the  peculiar  evils  of  the  system,  is  not  so 
much  read  as  formerly.  The  book  which  thrilled  the 
hearts  of  the  fathers  is  neglected  by  the  sons. 

As  it  was  a deep,  overwhelming  sense  of  the 
iniquity  and  crime  of  slavery  which  decided  the 
course  of  John  Brown’s  life,  it  is  necessary,  before 
considering  in  detail  his  eventful  career,  to  give  some 
brief  account  of  the  system  against  which  he  waged 
a life-long  war. 

It  may  fairly  be  said  that  in  no  age  of  the  world 


2 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PRO  WN 

has  there  existed  a form  of  slavery  so  essentially 
evil  in  its  nature,  so  brutalising  to  the  master,  and 
so  degrading  and  full  of  agony  to  the  slave,  as  that 
which  existed  in  the  Southern  States  of  the  American 
Union.  By  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  the  slave 
was  treated  something  like  a man  and  a Christian. 
He  could  purchase  his  freedom  at  a rate  fixed  by  law. 
He  was  allowed  a specified  number  of  hours  each 
week  in  which  to  work  for  himself.  By  this  means  an 
industrious  slave  could  gradually  accumulate  enough 
money  to  set  himself  at  liberty.  A slave  mother 
could  purchase  her  child’s  freedom  at  the  baptismal 
font.  The  slave  had  a legal  status  as  a human 
being,  possessing  rights  and  privileges.  But  in  the 
States  he  had  none  of  these  things.  He  was  merely 
part  of  his  owner’s  goods  and  chattels.  A thing  his 
master  could  use  as  his  fancy  or  brutality  dictated, 
and  from  whose  decision  there  was  no  appeal.  A 
slave’s  voice  and  word,  or  those  of  a score  of  his 
fellows,  were  as  nothing  against  the  lightest  word 
of  his  owner.  A judge  upon  the  bench  laid  it  down 
that,  “The  slave,  to  remain  a slave,  must  be  made 
sensible  that  there  is  no  appeal  from  his  master ; 
that  the  master’s  power  is  in  no  instance  usurped, 
but  is  conferred  by  the  law  of  man,  at  least,  if  not 
by  the  law  of  God.”  No  scale  of  purchase  was  fixed 
by  law,  neither  had  he  the  right  to  buy  his  freedom. 
It  was  left  to  the  caprice  of  each  individual  owner 
to  fix  a reasonable  or  prohibitive  price,  or  to  refuse 
to  sell  at  all,  as  the  humour  of  the  moment  prompted 
him.  Indeed,  in  most  of  the  States  manumission 
was  steadily  discouraged.  Public  opinion  emphatic- 


WHAT  WAS  SLAVERY? 


3 


ally  condemned  it.  And  in  at  least  one  instance 
— Alabama  — it  was  made  illegal  for  any  owner 
either  to  give  or  sell  freedom  to  his  slaves.  Freed 
slaves  were  not  allowed  to  settle  in  some  States, 
and  in  others  it  was  a punishable  offence  to  teach 
them  to  read  or  write. 

As  the  soil  of  the  older  States — such  as  Virginia 
and  Maryland — became  exhausted  by  the  wasteful 
methods  of  cultivation  obtaining  where  slave  labour 
was  employed,  the  cotton-planters  adopted  a horrible 
system  of.  breeding  slaves  for  the  Southern  market, 
where  healthy  hands  were  in  great  demand  and 
would  fetch  a good  price.  As  the  demand  in- 
creased the  prices  steadily  rose  until  a healthy 
male  field  hand,  who  was  worth  250  dollars  in 
1790,  sold  for  1600  dollars  in  i860.  Husbands 
and  wives,  parents  and  children,  were  ruthlessly 
separated  and  sent  hundreds  of  miles  apart,  as 
though  they  had  been  animals.  The  scenes 
regularly  occurring  at  public  auctions  are  on  the 
one  hand  almost  too  harrowing  to  contemplate, 
and  on  the  other  too  disgusting  to  describe. 
And,  to  crown  all,  ministers  of  the  Gospel  so 
far  forgot  the  spirit  of  the  Master  they  professed 
to  serve  as  to  preach  in  support  of  the  system, 
and  grossly  distorted  Scripture  to  make  it  lend 
its  sanction  to  the  institution  of  slavery. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  few  redeeming 
features.  They  cannot  be  said  to  brighten  the 
picture.  They  barely  render  it  a few  shades  less 
sombre.  Here  and  there  was  to  be  found  a 
slave-owner  who  was  kind  and  considerate  to  his 


4 LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

slaves;  but  there  was  no  certainty  of  continuance. 
Death,  business  loss  or  gambling  debts  put  an 
end  to  the  comparative  happiness  of  hundreds  of 
families,  who  by  the  auctioneer’s  hammer  were 
scattered  far  and  wide,  never  to  meet  again.  In 
the  most  favourable  circumstances  the  sword  hung 
threateningly  over  them,  and  none  knew  how  soon 
it  might  fall. 

A few  details  of  an  ex-slave’s  experiences  will 
place  the  evils  of  the  system  in  bold  relief.  John 
Little’s  story  is  typical  of  thousands  more.  There 
is  no  reason  to  believe  that  his  history  is  more 
painful  than  that  of  the  average  slave.  Indeed,  in 
its  close  it  is  brighter  than  most,  for  he  won  the 
freedom  thousands  pined  for  but  never  obtained, 
and  hundreds  strove  for  but  failed  to  secure.  He 
was  born  of  slave  parents  in  North  Carolina  and 
spent  his  youth  in  comparative  happiness.  That 
is  to  say,  he  was  not  ill-used,  had  food,  coarse  but 
plenty,  and  shelter,  and  his  work  was  comparatively 
easy,  tending  mules  and  hogs.  But  he  was  taught 
nothing,  not  even  the  alphabet,  neither  was  he 
allowed  to  go  to  church.  When  little  over  twenty 
he  was  sold  at  a public  auction  to  pay  a debt  of 
his  master’s.  His  mother  was  deeply  concerned 
lest  he  should  be  sold  “ South,”  a name  full  of 
terrors  to  all  slaves,  reeking  with  all  conceivable 
horrors  of  torture  and  suffering.  Luckily,  as  they 
thought,  he  was  bought  by  a trader  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, styled  “Mr  E.,”  who  had  the  reputation  of 
being  a famous  “ negro-breaker.”  It  was  not  long 
before  Little  had  a taste  of  his  quality.  He  found 


WHAT  WAS  SLAVERY ? 


5 


himself  one  of  a gang  of  seventy  men,  women  and 
children  who  were  kept  steadily  at  work  from  early 
morning  till  late  at  night,  with  no  interval  for  rest 
or  food  except  when  the  horses  had  to  be  fed.  On 
the  first  Saturday  evening  Little  asked  for  per- 
mission to  visit  his  mother  on  the  Sunday.  It  was 
savagely  refused.  “ I don’t  allow  my  niggers  to 
run  about  on  Sundays.”  John  went,  nevertheless, 
returning  after  dark.  His  punishment  was  awful, 
Monday  morning  saw  him  tied  to  a tree  and  con- 
demned to  receive  five  hundred  lashes  with  a thick 
bull-hide  whip  on  his  bare  back.  “ I wanted  to  see 
my  mother  very  bad,”  he  pleaded,  as  his  owner 
marked  out  with  his  cane  where  the  blows  were  to 
fall,  and  then  stood  by  to  count  them,  whilst  the 
blood  spurted  from  the  poor  slave’s  lacerated  flesh. 
One  hundred  fell  without  a pause,  and  in  the  interval 
he  was  treated  to  a torrent  of  abuse  from  his  master. 
“ I meant  no  harm,”  he  pleaded,  “ I only  wanted  to 
go  and  see  my  mother.”  For  reply  he  received  two 
cuts  on  the  head  from  his  master’s  cane,  and  the 
flogging  began  again.  Faint  with  loss  of  blood 
and  the  intensity  of  his  suffering,  Little  was  unable 
to  count  how  many  blows  followed  before  he  was 
taken  down  and  his  wounds  washed  with  salt  and 
water.  Then  his  feet  were  put  in  irons,  his  legs 
in  stocks,  and  he  was  compelled  to  lie  the  long 
night  through  on  his  back,  unable  to  turn  to  ease 
the  excruciating  agony.  Next  morning  he  was 
ordered  fifty  blows  with  the  “ paddle,”  but  at  the 
third  stroke  he  fainted  outright.  On  recovering 
he  was  sent  into  the  fields  to  work  all  day  in  the 


6 LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

burning  sun.  For  three  months  he  worked  in 
fetters,  his  spirit  still  unbroken  and  Reason  on 
her  throne.  Said  he : “I  made  up  my  mind 
that  if  he  would  find  whips  I would  find  back.” 
His  dogged  spirit  at  length  wore  out  the  brutality 
of  his  owner,  who  sent  him  to  Norfolk,  at  the 
entrance  to  Chesapeake  Bay,  to  be  shipped  for 
New  Orleans. 

Whilst  waiting  for  a vessel,  Little  escaped  from 
the  prison  in  which  he  was  confined  and  travelled 
in  the  direction  of  his  mother’s  cabin.  He  knew 
nothing  then  of  the  “Underground  Railway,”  by 
means  of  which,  from  first  to  last,  kind-hearted  friends 
helped  thousands  of  slaves  to  liberty.*  He  knew 
nothing  of  the  Free  States  where  there  was  no 
slavery,  neither  had  he  heard  of  Canada,  where  all 
men  were  equal  before  the  law.  He  was  facing  the 
world  with  his  life  in  his  hand,  not  knowing  that  he 
had  a single  friend  in  it  able  to  help  him.  For  two 
years  he  lived  the  life  of  a hunted  animal  in  the 
woods,  stealing  the  white  man’s  pigs  and  chickens 
whenever  opportunity  served.  A reward  of  fifty 
dollars  was  offered  for  his  capture,  and  at  last  his 
haunts  were  disclosed  by  a treacherous  negro.  Six 
young  men  undertook  the  chase  of  the  runaway 
nigger,  much  as  they  would  a troublesome  tiger 
or  bear.  They  came  upon  him  while  asleep,  and  as 
he  ran  one  of  the  youths  shot  him  in  the  leg. 
After  a term  of  imprisonment  he  was  sold  into 
Tennessee.  For  two  years  he  was  fairly  happy,  and 
then  married,  only  to  be  sold  away  from  his  wife  at 

* Various  estimates  are  given  from  20,000  to  double  that  number. 


WHAT  WAS  SLAVERY 2 


7 


the  end  of  twelve  months.  Again  he  ran  away,  was 
caught  and  placed  in  gaol.  Here  he  found  another 
slave  also  undergoing  imprisonment  for  running 
away  to  see  his  wife.  Between  them  they  broke 
through  the  roof  one  night,  but  were  discovered. 
Little’s  companion  drew  back  afraid,  but  he  succeeded 
in  getting  away.  He  crossed  a creek,  thus  breaking 
the  scent  of  the  blood-hounds  that  were  after  him, 
and  crawling  on  with  his  legs  wide  apart  to  prevent 
the  clanking  of  his  chains,  drew  slowly  away  from  his 
pursuers.  At  dawn  he  found  a blacksmith’s  shop 
and  set  his  feet  at  liberty.  Borrowing  a horse  from 
a neighbouring  stable,  he  rode  away  to  Jackson,  where 
his  wife  was.  Her  master  bought  him  “ running  ” 
for  a nominal  sum,  and  Little  at  once  gave  himself 
up,  as  his  only  desire  was  to  be  with  his  wife. 
All  went  well  until  he  spoke  to  a fellow-slave  when 
at  work.  For  this  offence  he  was  ordered  three 
hundred  strokes  with  a “ paddle.”  Rather  than 
suffer  this  he  again  ran  away,  waiting  in  the 
neighbourhood  for  his  wife  and  another  slave  who 
had  agreed  to  go  with  him.  They  were  both 
suspected  and  soundly  flogged  to  make  them  disclose 
his  whereabouts,  as  was  also  a sickly  boy,  but  all 
sturdily  refused  to  tell.  The  slave  was  put  in  irons, 
but  Little’s  wife  succeeded  in  joining  him  in  the 
woods.  Wiser  now  than  before,  they  turned  their 
faces  towards  the  north,  where  were  freedom  and 
rest  for  the  slave.  Guided  only  by  the  north  star, 
without  any  idea  of  the  distance  they  had  to  traverse, 
sleeping  one  at  a time  whilst  the  other  kept  watch, 
travelling  only  by  night  and  hiding  by  day,  feeding 


8 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BLOWN 


chiefly  on  roots  and  berries,  they  succeeded  at  last  in 
reaching  Illinois,  where  an  escaped  slave  gave  them 
some  welcome  directions,  and  they  finally  reached 
Chicago  in  safety,  after  many  long  weeks  of  ex- 
posure and  hardship.  In  Canada,  Little  secured  a 
grant  of  land  in  the  backwoods,  and  after  fourteen 
years  of  freedom  had  one  hundred  acres  cleared  and 
under  cultivation,  and  boasted,  with  pardonable  pride, 
“ I can  lend  or  borrow  two  thousand  dollars  any  time 
I am  asked.” 

A taint  of  negro  blood,  even  two  generations 
removed,  was  sufficient  to  make  a man  a slave,  though 
his  skin  was  as  white  as  his  owner’s.  A case  is 
recorded  of  a man  who  grew  up  ignorant  of  the  taint 
in  his  blood,  married  and  had  a family,  and  became 
deacon  of  his  church.  Yet,  on  the  death  of  his 
father  and  owner,  he  was  dragged  from  the  bedside 
of  the  sick  wife  he  was  nursing  and  sold  into  the 
South.  Escaping  some  months  later,  he  returned 
home  to  find  his  wife  dead,  his  home  broken  up  and 
his  children  scattered.  He  died  in  a few  months 
broken-hearted.  All  this  he  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
his  half-brother,  who  pocketed  his  thousand  dollars 
at  the  cost  of  two  lives,  a desolated  home  and  the 
untold  sufferings  of  little  innocent  children. 

The  history  of  Lewis  Clarke — said  to  be  the 
original  of  George  Harris  in  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin — is 
almost  equally  painful.  With  a white  skin,  the  son 
and  grandson  of  white  men,  he  was  yet  a slave 
because  his  mother  had  negro  blood  in  her  veins. 
At  seven  years  of  age  he  was  dragged  from  his 
mother’s  side  by  her  half-sister,  Mrs  Bainton,  and 


WHA  T WAS  SLA  VER  Y? 


9 


sent  naked  to  work  in  the  garden  all  day  so  that 
the  sun  might  “burn  him  black.”  Set  to  spin  hemp 
and  flax  by  her  side  from  early  morning  till  late  at 
night,  if  the  poor  child’s  eyes  drooped  from  sheer 
weariness,  his  unnatural  relative  threw  vinegar  and 
salt  into  them,  which  she  kept  ready  to  hand  in 
a basin.  Cuffs,  kicks,  strappings,  liftings  up  by  the 
hair  of  his  head  were  his  daily  portion.  Her  husband 
was  a fit  mate  for  such  a human  fiend.  He  was 
known  to  have  heated  red  hot  a number  of  nails  and 
cooled  them  one  by  one  on  a slave’s  flesh.  At 
sixteen  Clarke  was  sold  to  a less  brutal  master,  and 
a few  years  afterwards',  aided,  doubtless,  by  his  white 
skin,  effected  an  easy  escape.  Later  in  life  he 
became  a lecturer  for  the  Abolition  Society,  and  by 
the  story  of  his  sufferings  won  many  adherents 
to  the  good  cause. 

Such,  in  brief  outline,  was  slavery : blessed  by 
“traitors  to  humanity”  in  the  guise  of  clergymen, 
who  prostituted  a noble  office  to  the  basest  of 
purposes : hated  by  simple  Puritans  of  the  type 
of  John  Brown  as  a crime  against  God  and  man. 


CHAPTER  II 


THE  STATE  AND  SLAVERY 

When  the  thirteen  States  of  North  America  issued 
their  Declaration  of  Independence,  on  4th  July  1776, 
slave-holding  was  practised  in  each  of  them  and  was 
recognised  by  law.  But  gradually,  almost  imper- 
ceptibly, natural  causes,  aided  by  moral  enlightenment, 
operated  against  its  continuance  in  the  Northern  States. 
Slave  labour  was  not  so  profitable  as  free  labour  in 
the  Temperate  Zone,  and  the  stream  of  emigration 
which  promptly  set  in  from  Europe  supplied  labour 
both  abundant  and  cheap,  and  the  Northerners 
gradually  sold  their  slaves  to  the  Southern  planters. 
Once  their  hands  were  freed  from  complicity,  the 
scales  fell  from  their  eyes,  and  they  came  to  regard 
what  they  had  but  recently  practised  themselves  as 
a very  offensive  system.  Time  deepened  this  feeling 
of  disfavour  into  one  of  hatred  and  abhorrence. 

Within  a dozen  years  these  feelings  found  expres- 
sion in  legislation,  and  by  the  Ordinance  of  1787  the 
whole  of  the  North-West  Territory  was  declared  free 
ground,  on  which  it  was  illegal  to  hold  slaves.  Never- 
theless, some  slavery  continued  to  exist  in  a modified 
form.  In  1807  Indiana  passed  a law  sanctioning  a 
form  of  slavery  by  indenture,  and  when  Illinois  was  cut 

10 


THE  STA  TE  AND  SLA  VER  Y 1 1 

off  from  this  vast  territory  and  organised  as  a separ- 
ate State,  the  Act  continued  within  its  borders.  Under 
a plea  of  lack  of  labour  to  work  the  cotton  mills,  a 
law  was  enacted  in  1814  to  provide  for  the  hiring 
of  slaves  from  the  Southern  States,  but  the  falsity  of 
the  plea  was  exposed  by  a provision  prohibiting  free 
negroes  from  settling  in  the  territory.  The  proximity 
of  Missouri,  where  slavery  was  in  existence,  led  to  a 
demand  for  the  repeal  of  the  anti-slave  law,  but  when 
the  poll  was  taken  the  law  was  sustained  by  a large 
majority  and  Illinois  remained  free. 

With  each  admission  of  a new  State  to  the  Union 
the  question  had  to  be  fought  out  whether  it  should 
be  slave  or  free,  and  the  representatives  of  the  two 
interests  in  each  branch  of  the  supreme  Legislature 
were  influenced  in  their  votes  for  or  against  admission 
by  the  applicant’s  attitude  on  this  one  question.  As 
each  State  sent  the  same  number  of  men  to  the  Senate 
at  Washington,  where  the  parties  were  fairly  evenly 
divided,  it  became  a struggle  for  supremacy,  and 
men  were  elated  or  depressed  according  to  the  swing 
of  the  pendulum  for  or  against  their  views.  From 
the  Ordinance  of  1787  to  the  Missouri  Compromise 
of  1820  the  admissions  of  Slave  and  Free  States 
alternated  with  fair  regularity,  as  the  following  list 
will  show  : — Vermont  was  admitted  to  the  Union 
in  1791,  Free;  Kentucky  in  1792,  Slave ; Tennessee 
in  1796,  Slave  ; Ohio  in  1802,  Free  ; Louisiana  in  1812, 
Slave;  Indiana  in  1816,  Free;  Mississippi  in  1817, 
Slave;  Illinois  in  1818,  Free ; and  Alabama  in  1819, 
Slave.  This  left  the  balance  exactly  even,  with  eleven 
Free  and  eleven  Slave  States. 


12 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


Directly  west  of  Kentucky  stretched  the  vast 
Territory  of  Missouri,  which,  with  a population  of 
60,000,  was  at  this  time  (1819)  demanding  admission 
as  a Slave  State.  Arkansas  was  also  being  carefully 
fostered  by  the  pro-slavery  party,  and  would  likewise 
ere  long  be  asking  for  admission.  This  would  give 
the  Southerners  the  balance  of  power  in  Con- 
gress. The  imminence  of  such  a danger  roused 
the  Northerners  and  forced  the  slavery  question  to 
the  front  as  a burning  national  issue  crying  for 
settlement.  The  North  controlled  the  House  of 
Representatives,  which  was  elected  on  a basis  of  one 
member  per  30,000  of  population,  whilst  the  South 
controlled  the  Senate.  As  neither  party  would  give 
way  a deadlock  seemed  inevitable.  Under  these 
circumstances  a party  of  compromise  sprang  up, 
which  succeeded  in  producing  a temporary  arrange- 
ment acceptable  to  both  parties.  This  was  the 
famous  Missouri  Compromise,  which  became  law  on 
6th  March  1820.  It  divided  the  Louisiana  purchase 
between  freedom  and  slavery  by  a line  drawn  at 
36°  30'  N.  lat.  South  of  this  line  was  dedicated  to 
slavery,  north  of  it  was  consecrated  to  freedom,  the 
only  exception  being  that  part  of  Missouri  north  of 
the  line  which  was  allowed  to  retain  its  slavery.  This 
settlement  included  also  the  admission  of  Maine  as 
a Free  State,  and  so  continued  the  equilibrium.  The 
Compromise  line,  it  is  necessary  to  remember,  did 
not  extend  the  whole  width  of  the  continent,  which 
was  not  settled  in  1820,  but  ended  at  a point  (ap- 
proximately) 950  W.  long. 

Like  all  political  compromises  involving  a moral 


THE  STATE  AND  SLAVERY 


i3 


question,  it  brought  only  temporary  peace.  The 
question,  by  natural  evolution,  went  on  to  its  final 
issue,  and  had  to  be  settled  at  last  on  righteous 
principles,  at  an  immense  sacrifice  of  human  life, 
affording  another  and  very  startling  proof  that  there 
is  no  finality  in  such  matters  except  in  justice  and 
righteousness.  But  for  the  time  the  Compromise 
seemed  completely  successful,  and  many  hoped — 
what  the  short-sighted  asserted — that  permanent 
peace  was  at  last  obtained  and  the  slave  question 
was  for  ever  laid  to  rest. 

By  way  of  insuring  the  continuance  of  this  settle- 
ment, there  was  a tacit  understanding  between  the 
parties  that  the  balance  of  power  should  be  maintained. 
In  pursuance  of  this  policy  Arkansas  was  admitted 
as  a Slave  State  in  1836,  and  Michigan,  Free,  in  1837. 
Then  the  South  woke  up  in  wild  alarm.  The  slave 
territory  was  becoming  exhausted,  whilst  the  North 
had  still  immense  tracts  stretching  away  to  the  north- 
west, out  of  which  it  could  carve  new  States,  and  so 
obtain  the  preponderance  of  power.  To  prevent  this 
the  Southerners  assisted  Texas  to  shake  off  the 
Spanish  dominion  and  to  establish  itself  as  an  inde- 
pendent republic.  Then  they  demanded  its  admission 
to  the  Union.  Eight  months  after  the  admission  of 
Florida  as  a Slave  State  in  1845  they  succeeded,  and 
so  obtained  a decided  advantage.  Then  the  North 
was  aroused  and  the  Mexican  war  was  provoked  as 
a result.  It  ended  in  large  accessions  of  territory  to 
the  United  States,  and  eventually  the  organisation  of 
New  Mexico  and  California  as  Territories.  Arizona, 
now  lying  exactly  between  them,  was  not  then  in 


14  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

existence  as  a separate  State.  In  1846  the  free  men 
secured  the  admission  of  Iowa  to  the  Union,  and 
Wisconsin  in  1848,  and  so  for  a time  once  more 
restored  the  precarious  balance  of  power. 

After  two  years  of  comparative  peace  the  whole 
question  was  re-opened  in  1850  by  the  demand  for 
the  admission  of  New  Mexico  and  California  as 
States,  the  latter  having  rapidly  acquired  a large 
population  owing  to  the  discovery  of  gold.  The 
gradually  deepening  intensity  of  the  conflict  caused 
both  sides  plainly  to  declare  their  principles  and 
formulate  their  demands.  The  Northerners  con- 
tended that  Congress  had  the  right,  and  should 
exercise  its  right,  to  prohibit  slavery  in  all  the 
Territories  of  the  Union.  They  based  their  con- 
tention on  the  precedents  of  the  Ordinance  of 
1787  and  the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820.  The 
Southerners  took  their  stand  on  the  inviolability  of 
property  before  the  law,  slaves  being  as  much 
the  “ property  ” of  their  owners  as  land  or  goods. 
By  the  Mexican  laws  slavery  was  already  pro- 
hibited in  New  Mexico,  and  California  promptly 
voted  itself  free.  The  North  now  proposed  to 
admit  California  as  a State,  and  to  organise  New 
Mexico  as  a Territory.  This  the  South  steadily 
resisted,  proposing  to  extend  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise line  farther  west,  so  as  to  include  the 
whole  of  New  Mexico  and  South  California  within 
the  slave  limits.  Thus  the  fight  waged  throughout 
the  whole  of  1850,  and  the  South  looked  more 
and  more  persistently  to  a dissolution  of  the 
Union  as  the  only  satisfactory  solution  for  her. 


THE  STATE  AND  SLAVERY 


i5 


Another  compromise  promised  peace  for  a time. 
This  was  initiated  by  Henry  Clay  of  Kentucky, 
a slave-holder  opposed  to  the  extension  of 
slavery,  a popular  and  powerful  statesman.  The 
settlement  included  the  following  five  points : — 

(1)  The  admission  of  California  as  a Free  State; 

(2)  the  organisation  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah 
as  Territories,  the  former  retaining  its  laws  against 
slavery ; (3)  the  abolition  of  the  domestic  slave 
trade  existing  in  the  district  of  Columbia ; (4)  the 
enactment  of  a stronger  Fugitive  Slave  Law;  and 
(5)  the  payment  of  ten  million  dollars  to  Texas 
for  the  “scientific  rectification”  of  her  frontier. 
The  most  important  of  these  measures  of  con- 
ciliation was  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  pioneered 
through  Congress  by  Senator  Mason,  a Southern 
representative  who  a few  years  later  nearly 
became  the  occasion  of  war  between  England 
and  the  Federalists.  He  was  one  of  the  two 
Confederate  commissioners  taken  from  the  English 
vessel  Trent  by  a Federal  ship  of  war,  when  on 
his  way  to  Europe  to  secure  the  recognition  of 
the  Confederates  as  belligerents.  The  main 
provisions  of  this  famous  Act  were  as  follow : — 
The  claimant  for  an  alleged  fugitive  slave  could 
apply  to  any  court  in  his  own  State  and  obtain, 
on  producing  proof,  a record  attesting  his  right 
to  the  person  described.  That  record  had  to  be 
received  as  evidence  by  the  authorities  of  any 
State  to  which  the  claimant  might  apply,  and 
they  were  bound  to  deliver  up  the  fugitive,  after 
identification,  without  delay.  No  jury  was  called, 


1 6 LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BE  OWN 

neither  could  the  slave  give  evidence  in  his  own 
defence.  To  facilitate  the  working  of  the  law, 
special  commissioners  were  appointed  to  administer 
it,  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  judges,  and  each 
commissioner  or  judge  who  decided  against  a 
slave  received  a fee  of  ten  dollars,  but  his  fee 
was  reduced  to  half  if  his  verdict  was  in  favour 
of  the  slave.  A law  officer  who  refused  to  arrest 
a fugitive  was  subjected  to  a fine  of  a thousand 
dollars,  and  had  to  pay  the  full  value  of  the 
slave  if  he  escaped.  Any  citizen  rescuing  a re- 
captured fugitive,  or  assisting  in  his  escape, 
should  pay  a fine  of  one  thousand  dollars  to  the 
State,  one  thousand  dollars  to  the  owner,  and 
undergo  a maximum  of  six  months’  imprisonment. 

This  Act  at  once  put  in  peril  twenty  thousand 
escaped  slaves  who  were  living  at  peace  in  the 
Northern  States.  It  roused  all  friends  of  freedom 
to  a white  heat  of  indignation,  and  wrung  from 
James  Russell  Lowell  those  noble  lines: — 

“ I first  drew  in  New  England’s  air,  and  from  her  hardy  breast 
Sucked  in  the  tyrant-hating  milk  that  will  not  let  me  rest ; 
And  if  my  words  seem  treason  to  the  dullard  and  the  tame, 
’Tis  but  my  Bay-State  dialect — our  fathers  spake  the  same  ! 

Shame  on  the  costly  mockery  of  piling  stone  on  stone 
To  those  who  won  our  liberty,  the  heroes  dead  and  gone, 
While  we  look  coldly  on  and  see  law-shielded  ruffians  slay 
The  men  who  fain  would  win  their  own,  the  heroes  of  to-day  ! 


Though  we  break  our  fathers’  promise,  we  have  nobler  duties 
first ; 

The  traitor  to  Humanity  is  the  traitor  most  accursed  ; 


THE  STATE  AND  SLAVERY 


17 


Man  is  more  than  Constitutions  ; better  rot  beneath  the  sod, 
Than  be  true  to  Church  and  State  while  we  are  doubly  false  to 
God ! 

We  owe  allegiance  to  the  State  ; but  deeper,  truer,  more, 

To  the  sympathies  that  God  hath  set  within  our  spirit’s 
core  ; — 

Our  country  claims  our  fealty  ; we  grant  it  so,  but  then 
Before  Man  made  us  citizens,  great  Nature  made  us  men. 

He’s  true  to  God  who’s  true  to  man  ; wherever  wrong  is  done 
To  the  humblest  and  the  weakest, ’neath  the  all-beholding  sun, 
That  wrong  is  also  done  to  us  ; and  they  are  slaves  most  base, 
Whose  love  of  right  is  for  themselves,  and  not  for  all  their 
race. 

God  works  for  all.  Ye  cannot  hem  the  hope  of  being  free 
With  parallels  of  latitude,  with  mountain-range  or  sea. 

Put  golden  padlocks  on  Truth’s  lips,  be  callous  as  ye  will, 
From  soul  to  soul  o’er  all  the  world  leaps  one  electric  thrill. 


But  from  the  land  of  bondage,  ’tis  decreed  our  slaves  shall  go, 
And  signs  to  us  are  offered,  as  erst  to  Pharaoh  ; 

If  we  are  blind,  their  exodus,  like  Israel’s  of  yore, 

Through  a Red  Sea  is  doomed  to  be,  whose  surges  are  of  gore. 

’Tis  ours  to  save  our  brethren,  with  peace  and  love  to  win 
Their  darkened  hearts  from  error,  ere  they  harden  it  to  sin  ; 
But  if  before  his  duty  man  with  listless  spirit  stands, 

Ere  long  the  Great  Avenger  takes  the  work  from  out  his 
hands.” 

Daniel  Webster  had  exerted  his  great  influence 
to  secure  the  passing  of  the  Act.  Fast  bound  to 
legal  forms,  he  was  faithful  to  the  letter  of  the  law 
whilst  proving  traitor  to  the  rights  of  humanity, 
as  he  sternly  denounced  all  warm-hearted  men  as 
traitors  to  the  State  who  resisted  the  enforcement 

B 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  TOHN  BROWN 


of  the  odious  law.  Emerson  flamed : “ All  the 
drops  of  his  blood  have  eyes  that  look  downward, 
and  his  finely-developed  understanding  only  works 
truly  and  with  all  its  force  when  it  stands  for 
animal  good — that  is,  for  property.”  * 

One  or  two  attempts  to  capture  escaped  slaves 
in  Boston  led  to  conflicts  between  the  people  and 
the  civil  power,  and  for  a time — in  1854 — the  city 
was  occupied  by  the  military.  Theodore  Parker 
was  conspicuous  as  a leader  of  rescue  parties,  and 
denounced  the  law  in  no  measured  terms.  As  poor 
Anthony  Burns  was  led  back  to  slavery  in  a hollow 
square  of  United  States  troops,  all  Boston  looked  on 
with  burning  cheeks  and  ill-suppressed  indignation. 
As  the  procession  made  its  way  to  the  harbour,  where 
a Government  vessel  was  waiting  to  convey  the 
wretched  slave  back  to  his  doom,  shops  were  shut, 
bells  tolled  as  for  a funeral,  flags  waved  at  half-mast, 
and  the  streets  were  hung  with  black  drapery. 
And  Emerson  said  : “ The  famous  town  of  Boston 

is  his  master’s  hound.”  A few  such  incidents  set  the 
heather  on  fire  throughout  the  New  England  States. 
Vigilance  Committees  were  formed  to  resist  the 
enforcement  of  the  law,  and  judges,  magistrates  and 
clergy  headed  protests  against  it.  Mayors  presided 
at  indignation  meetings,  and  judges  openly  refused 
to  administer  a law  so  repugnant  to  the  moral  sense 
of  the  community.  Many  States  passed  Personal 

* Both  in  his  letters  and  journal  he  condemns  roundly  “ Mr 
Webster’s  treachery,”  and  says  it  is  “a  law  which  no  man  can  obey  or 
abet  the  obeying  without  loss  of  self-respect  and  forfeiture  of  the  name 
of  a gentleman.” — Cabot’s  Memoir,  Vol.  II.,  pp.  196-198. 


THE  STATE  AND  SLAVERY  ig 

Liberty  Acts,  and  so  prevented  its  operation  within 
their  borders.  It  is  said  that  in  six  years  only  some 
two  hundred  escaped  slaves  were  re-committed  to 
slavery  under  its  provisions.  It  was  repealed  in 
i860. 

Many  regarded  these  indications  of  popular 
feeling  as  mere  passing  ebullitions  which  would 
speedily  die  away,  and  echoed  the  cry  of  interested 
politicians,  “ Peace,  peace,”  when  there  was  no 
peace.  For  righteousness  had  not  yet  prevailed  and 
justice  had,  not  yet  been  done.  Greater  forces  were 
at  work  than  most  of  the  actors  in  these  political 
manceuvrings  were  aware  of.  Instead  of  guiding 
and  moulding  affairs  as  they  imagined,  they  were 
but  flotsam  and  jetsam  on  a tide  which  was 
carrying  them  and  the  whole  nation  onward  to  a 
terrible  national  convulsion,  in  which,  at  last,  the 
slavery  question  would  find  a just  solution. 

At  the  Presidential  Election  of  1852  the  Democrats, 
who  were  largely  Southerners,  and  the  slave  party 
carried  their  nominee  against  the  Republicans  and 
Northerners,  who  were  mostly  anti-slavery  men. 
Franklin  Pierce,  the  new  President,  was  a Northerner 
who  sympathised  with  the  South  and  slavery.  But 
he  did  not  propose  to  re-open  the  settlement  of  1850. 
In  his  inaugural  address  he  said : “ I fervently 

trust  that  the  question  is  at  rest,  and  that  no 
sectional,  or  ambitious,  or  fanatical  excitement  may 
again  threaten  the  durability  of  our  institutions,  or 
obscure  the  light  of  our  prosperity.”  Both  party 
conventions  resolved  not  to  interfere  with  the 
compromise,  nor  to  raise  the  slavery  ghost  again. 


20 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


But  the  Fates  decreed  otherwise. 

Stephen  Douglas,  a Democratic  senator  from 
Illinois,  a candidate  for  the  Presidency,  chairman 
of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Territories,  and  later  the 
great  antagonist  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  the  means 
of  re-opening  the  great  debate  and  of  securing  an 
important  temporary  advantage  for  his  party.  He 
had  piloted  the  1850  compromise  through  Congress 
with  Senator  Mason,  and  on  its  final  reading  said  : 
“ In  taking  leave  of  this  subject  I wish  to  state  that 
I have  determined  never  to  make  another  speech  on 
the  slavery  question,”  and  defended  it  against  the 
extreme  men  of  the  South,  declaring  that  the 
principle  of  Territorial  prohibition  was  no  violation  of 
Southern  State  rights. 

The  constant  stream  of  immigrants  westwards 
encroached  more  and  more  upon  the  reserves 
intended  for  the  Red  Men,  and  each  one  who 
wanted  a concession  applied  to  Douglas,  or  his  friend 
W.  A.  Richardson  of  Illinois,  chairman  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  Committee  on  Territories.  To 
meet  these  claims,  in  February  1853  Richardson 
introduced  in  the  House  of  Representatives  a bill 
known  as  the  First  Nebraska  Bill,  to  organise  a new 
Territory  between  the  Missouri  River  on  the  east  and 
the  Rocky  Mountains  on  the  west.  The  bill  con- 
tained no  reference  to  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  It 
failed  to  pass  the  Senate.  But  two  delegates  from 
the  new  Territory  had  arrived  at  Washington,  and 
under  pressure  from  them  the  Second  Nebraska  Bill 
was  produced.  The  Committee  on  Territories  dis- 
cussed the  slavery  question,  and  reported  that  they 


THE  STATE  AND  SLAVED  Y 


21 


were  bound  by  the  settlement  of  1850,  but  neither 
affirmed  nor  repudiated  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
Prolonged  discussions  resulted  in  a sharp  division  in 
the  Democratic  Party  itself,  members  from  the  South 
claiming  the  right  of  property  in  slaves  in  the  Free 
States,  members  from  the  North  holding  that  the 
question  should  be  decided  by  local  State  law — 
described  as  “ squatter  sovereignty” — in  other  words, 
by  “ local  option.”  But  rather  than  make  a breach 
in  their  ranks  and  so  lose  their  political  ascendency, 
they  agreed  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court. 

A multitude  of  secret  negotiations  followed, 
which  finally  resulted  in  the  introduction  of  the 
Third  Nebraska  Bill  by  Douglas  in  the  Senate 
on  23rd  January  1854,  after  he  had  persuaded 
the  President  to  adopt  it  as  a Government 
measure.  It  organised  two  Territories— Nebraska 
and  Kansas — instead  of  one,  covering  an  area  of 
some  fifteen  million  acres,  declared  the  Missouri 
Compromise  “ inoperative,”  and  left  the  question 
of  freedom  or  slavery  to  be  decided  by  the 
Territories  themselves.  The  South  was  all  but 
unanimous  in  its  favour;  the  North,  unhappily, 
was  divided.  In  four  months’  time  it  passed  into 
law,  repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise  after  thirty- 
four  years’  duration.  This  was  hailed  as  a splendid 
victory  for  the  slave-holders,  and  received  as  a 
heavy  blow  by  the  Free-soilers.  It  led  to  several 
very  important  results.  In  order  to  secure  a vote 
for  slavery  in  the  new  Territories  the  neighbouring 
Slave  States  sent  over  organised  bands  of  armed 


22 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


desperadoes — known  as  Border  Ruffians — who  at 
the  bayonet’s  point  insisted  on  voting  where  they 
had  not  a shadow  of  qualification.  The  “ squatters  ” 
naturally  resented  these  lawless  proceedings,  and 
the  result  was  the  commencement  of  the  Kansas 
Border  Wars  — in  which  John  Brown  took  so 
large  a share — and  other  similar  struggles  else- 
where. The  next  effect  was  the  heavy  defeat  of 
the  Democrats  at  the  election  of  1854.  They 
left  the  House  of  Representatives  159  strong; 
they  returned  with  only  seventy-five  members. 
The  conscience  of  the  nation  had  emphatically 
condemned  them. 

And  thirdly  this.  As  soon  as  the  Northerners 
realised  the  full  meaning  of  the  Act,  which  lack 
of  unity  among  their  representatives  had  prevented 
them  doing  as  soon  as  was  desirable,  they  were 
roused  to  a white  heat  of  indignation,  under 
which  old  party  lines  gradually  became  obliterated, 
and  a new  combination  steadily  formed  itself. 
There  had  been  an  “ Abolitionist  ” party  in  ex- 
istence since  1840  with  158,000  voters,  and  they 
at  once  began  an  active  agitation  for  “ As  you 
were.”  The  Whigs  and  Free-soilers  now  rallied  to 
them,  and  the  result  was  the  formation  of  the 
modern  Republican  Party  in  1856,  with  opposition 
to  slavery  as  its  main  principle.  It  had  control 
of  the  Government  for  over  twenty  years.  And 
further,  as  the  crowning  result,  it  brought  Abraham 
Lincoln  back  into  political  life,  from  which  he  had 
been  almost  entirely  absent  since  the  close  of  his 
short  period  in  Congress — 1847-49.  His  public 


THE  STATE  AND  SLAVERY 


23 


debates  with  Stephen  Douglas — beginning  in  the 
autumn  of  1854  — earned  for  him  a national 
reputation,  and  all  lovers  of  freedom  began  to 
look  to  him  as  their  leader  in  the  struggle  which 
must  come.  At  length,  borne  along  on  the 
steadily-rising  tide  of  national  sentiment,  which 
the  brutal  assault  on  Sumner  in  the  Senate 
chamber,  and  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  tended  only  to  accentuate, 
he  distanced  all  rivals  in  the  Republican  Party, 
and  in  i860  was  elected  President  of  the  United 
States,  within  twelve  months  of  the  execution 
of  John  Brown  as  a traitor. 

The  Southerners  regarded  his  election  as  the 
final  closing  of  the  door  on  all  hope  of  securing 
their  ends  by  political  action,  and,  led  by  South 
Carolina,  voted  themselves  out  of  the  Union. 
The  Civil  War  followed,  ending  with  the  final 
extinction  of  slave-holding  throughout  the  Union. 


CHAPTER  I I I 


JOHN  BROWN’S  BOYHOOD 

John  Brown  was  born  at  Torrington,  Connecticut, 
on  9th  May  1800,  his  life  running  parallel  with 
the  century.  He  came  of  a sturdy  Puritan  stock, 
being  sixth  in  descent  from  Peter  Brown,  one  of 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers  who  landed  from  the  May- 
flower at  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  on  22nd  De- 
cember 1620.  Hatred  of  oppression  and  wrong 
throbbed  in  his  blood.  His  grandfather  was  an 
officer  in  the  Revolutionary  Army  under  Wash- 
ington. He  died  during  an  epidemic  in  camp  at 
New  York  in  1776.  Owen  Brown,  a son  of  the 
captain,  married  a daughter  of  Gideon  Mills,  also 
an  officer  under  Washington,  and  a descendant  of 
a Dutch  settler.  Soon  after  marriage  Owen  moved 
to  Torrington,  where  John  was  born  and  spent 
the  first  five  years  of  his  life.  The  family  then 
moved  to  Hudson,  Ohio,  where  Owen  Brown 
became  one  of  the  trustees  of  Oberlin  College, 
and  lived  a long  life  highly  respected,  dying  at 
the  age  of  eighty-seven.  “ I came  with  a de- 
termination to  help  build  up,”  he  says  in  his 
autobiography,  “ and  be  a help  in  the  support 
of  religion  and  civil  order.” 


24 


25 


JOHN  BROWN'S  BOYHOOD 

We  are  largely  indebted  for  what  few  details 
we  have  of  John  Brown’s  boyhood  to  a letter  he 
wrote  late  in  life  to  a young  friend — Henry  L. 
Stearns — who  had  given  him  his  pocket-money 
to  aid  in  the  fight  against  slavery.  Brown  writes 
from  Red  Rock,  Iowa,  15th  July  1857.  He  was 
then  travelling  east  in  the  hope  of  raising  money 
for  an  armed  interference  with  slavery.  From  this 
letter  we  learn  that  when  the  family  settled  in 
Ohio  it  was  “a  wilderness  filled  with  wild  beasts 
and  Indians.”  At  that  early  age  John  was  learn- 
ing to  drive  cows  and  ride  horses.  At  six  he  was 
dressing  deer-skins,  rambling  about  the  woods 
capturing  birds  and  squirrels,  and  making  ac- 
quaintance with  the  camps  of  Indians.  Such  little 
incidents  as  the  gift  of  a “yellow  marble” — the 
first  he  had  seen — by  an  Indian  boy,  and  the 
capture  of  a squirrel — “ bob-tail  ” — apparently  re- 
mained very  vividly  in  his  memory  even  towards 
the  end  of  his  days.  Running  about  bare-footed 
and  bare  - headed  he  was  early  inured  to  great 
physical  fatigue,  and  showed  an  abundance  of  vitality 
which  found  vent  in  the  roughest  and  most  boister- 
ous of  games,  running,  jumping  and  wrestling.  Fie 
spent  very  little  time  at  school,  the  restraint  and 
discipline  of  which  were  terribly  irksome  to  him. 
The  free  life  of  the  woods  was  more  to  his  taste, 
and  nothing  delighted  him  more  than  to  be  sent 
on  long  journeys  across  country.  At  twelve  he 
took  a drove  of  cattle  a hundred  miles,  single- 
handed,  and  would  have  felt  decidedly  insulted 
had  any  help  been  offered  him. 


26  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

When  eight  years  of  age  the  greatest  sorrow 
of  his  early  life  came  upon  him  in  the  death  of 
his  mother,  a loss  he  felt  permanently.  His 
father  married  again,  and  although  the  stepmother 
treated  him  kindly  he  never  really  took  her  into 
his  affections,  but  continued  to  pine  for  his  own 
mother  for  years.  This  prolonged  sorrow  threw 
him  back  upon  himself,  and  strengthened  his 
natural  tendency  to  be  reserved,  shy  and  un- 
communicative. 

In  1812,  in  the  midst  of  our  struggle  with 
Napoleon,  the  famous  Orders  in  Council  issued 
by  our  Government,  compelling  all  vessels  on  their 
way  to  ports  under  our  blockade  to  touch  first  at 
British  harbours,  led  to  a war  with  the  United 
States,  which  unhappily  continued  for  two  years. 
During  this  war  Owen  Brown  supplied  the  United 
States  army  with  cattle,  and  John  had  many  op- 
portunities of  seeing  war  at  close  quarters  as  he 
went  to  and  fro  with  them.  Henry  D.  Thoreau 
says : “ He  accompanied  his  father  to  the  camp, 

and  assisted  in  his  employment,  seeing  a great 
deal  of  military  life  — more,  perhaps,  than  if  he 
had  been  a soldier,  for  he  was  often  present  at  the 
councils  of  the  officers.  He  learned  by  experience 
how  armies  are  supplied  and  maintained  in  the 
field.  He  saw  enough  of  military  life  to  disgust 
him  with  it  and  to  excite  in  him  a great  abhorrence 
of  it.  Though  tempted  by  the  offer  of  some  petty 
office  in  the  army  when  about  eighteen,  he  not 
only  declined  to  accept  this,  but  refused  to  train, 
and  was  fined  in  consequence.  He  then  resolved 


27 


JOHN  BRO  WNS  BO  YHOOD 

that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  any  war, 
unless  it  were  a war  for  liberty.”  Another  lasting 
impression  left  on  his  mind  by  one  of  the  incidents 
of  this  war  time  had  better  be  described  in  his  own 
words.  He  said  it  “ led  him  to  declare  or  swear 
eternal  war  with  slavery,”  and  converted  him  into 
a red-hot  Abolitionist.  He  speaks  of  himself  in 
the  third  person.  “ He  was  staying  for  a short 
time  with  a very  gentlemanly  landlord,  once  a 
United  States  marshal,  who  held  a slave  boy 
near  his  own  age,  very  active,  intelligent,  and  of 
good  feeling,  and  to  whom  John  was  under  con- 
siderable obligation  for  numerous  little  acts  of  kind- 
ness. The  master  made  a great  pet  of  John, 
brought  him  to  table  with  his  first  company  and 
friends,  called  their  attention  to  every  little  smart 
thing  he  said  or  did,  and  to  the  fact  of  his  being 
more  than  a hundred  miles  from  home  with  a 
company  of  cattle  alone,  while  the  negro  boy, 
who  was  fully,  if  not  more  than,  his  equal,  was 
badly  clothed,  poorly  fed  and  lodged  in  cold 
weather,  and  beaten  before  his  eyes  with  iron 
shovels  or  any  other  thing  that  came  to  hand. 
This  brought  John  to  reflect  on  the  wretched, 
hopeless  condition  of  fatherless  and  motherless 
slave  children.  He  sometimes  would  raise  the 
question,  ‘Is  God  their  Father?’” 

Though  his  education  at  school  was  very  de- 
fective, covering  not  “ so  much  knowledge  of 
common  arithmetic  as  the  four  ground  rules”  or 
touching  grammar  at  all — “ I know  no  more  of 
grammar  than  one  of  that  farmer’s  calves,”  he 


28 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BP  OWN 


would  often  say — yet,  thanks  to  the  kindly  advice 
of  an  old  friend  of  the  family,  he  was  early  in- 
duced to  read  history  and  biography  rather  ex- 
tensively for  a boy  in  his  position.  The  effect  of 
his  reading  was  a serious  habit  of  mind,  a liking 
for  the  company  of  his  seniors  or  superiors  in 
ability  or  knowledge,  and  an  avoidance  of  bad 
or  frivolous  company.  ^He  “had  been  taught 
from  earliest  childhood  to  ‘ fear  God  and  keep 
His  commandments,’  and,  though  quite  sceptical, 
he  had  always  by  turns  felt  much  serious  doubt  as 
to  his  future  well-being,  and  about  this  time  (1815) 
became  to  some  extent  a convert  to  Christianity, 
and  ever  after  was  a firm  believer  in  the  Divine 
authenticity  of  the  Bible.  With  this  Book  he 
was  familiar,  and  possessed  a most  unusual  mem- 
ory of  its  contents.”  Throughout  his  life  his 
knowledge  of  Scriptural  phrases  was  most  marked, 
and  they  constantly  appeared  in  his  conversation. 
This  feeling  for  religion  deepened  in  his  mind 
until  at  eighteen  years  of  age  we  find  him  study- 
ing for  the  Congregational'  Ministry.  A pro- 
longed inflammation  of  the  eyes  interrupted  his 
studies,  and  he  finally  abandoned  them,  giving  up 
all  idea  of  entering  the  ministry.  His  studies  had 
the  effect  of  confirming  the  serious  bent  of  his 
mind,  and  cherished  his  earnest  desire  to  do  good 
during  his  life.  The  Church  lost  probably  an  in- 
different minister,  the  cause  of  human  progress 
gained  a true  champion,  and  the  poor  slave  his 
second  greatest  martyr.  For  John  Brown  stands 
out  as  the  great  martyr  at  the  “beginning  of  the 


JOHN  BRO  WN’S  BO  YHOOD 


29 


end  ” of  slavery,  as  Abraham  Lincoln  nobly  marks 
with  his  martyrdom  its  close. 

Brown  next  turned  his  attention  to  land-sur- 
veying — in  this  also  like  Lincoln  — and  in  the 
course  of  his  duty  traversed  a large  part  of 
Ohio,  Pennsylvania  and  West  Virginia,  thus  be- 
coming minutely  acquainted  with  the  scenes  of  some 
of  his  subsequent  exploits.  He  was  said  to  have 
had  the  keen  senses  of  a hunter  or  an  Indian,  to 
be  remarkably  clear  - sighted,  quick  of  ear  and 
skilled  in  all  the  devices  of  woodcraft. 


CHAPTER  IV 


BUSINESS  AND  FAMILY  LIFE 

Acting  on  his  father’s  advice,  when  little  more  than 
twenty  years  of  age,  Brown  married,  on  21st  June 
1820,  Dianthe  Lusk,  at  Hudson,  Ohio.  He  thus  de- 
scribes her  in  the  previously-mentioned  letter  to  H.  L. 
Stearns,  written  thirty  - seven  years  afterwards  : — 
She  was  “ a remarkably  plain,  but  neat,  industrious 
and  economical  girl,  of  excellent  character,  earnest 
piety,  and  good  practical  common  sense,  about  one 
year  younger  than  himself.  This  woman,  by  her 
mild,  frank,  and — more  than  all  else — by  her  very 
consistent  conduct,  acquired,  and  ever  while  she  lived 
maintained,  a most  powerful  and  good  influence 
over  him.  Her  plain  but  kind  admonitions  generally 
had  the  right  effect,  without  arousing  his  haughty 
and  obstinate  temper.”  In  1832,  after  twelve  years 
of  happy  married  life,  little  visited  by  worldly 
prosperity,  she  died,  leaving  him  with  five  children, 
two  having  predeceased  her. 

The  next  year,  1833,  he  married  Mary  A.  Day  of 
Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  then  only  in  her  eighteenth 
year.  By  this  marriage  he  had  seven  sons  and  six 
daughters.  She  proved  a true  helpmeet  to  him, 
entering  heartily  into  all  his  plans  for  the  liberation 

30 


BUSINESS  AND  FAMILY  LIFE 


3i 


of  the  slaves,  patiently  bearing  hardship,  poverty, 
prolonged  separation  from  her  husband,  yea,  even 
the  loss  of  her  noble  sons  to  further  the  sacred  cause 
of  freedom.  And  when  the  end  came,  and  absolute 
failure,  like  an  awful  blight,  fell  upon  their  cherished 
schemes  and  life-long  sacrifices,  when  Brown  himself 
lay  under  sentence  of  death,  no  word  of  reproach 
escaped  her  lips,  nor  remotest  suggestion  that  she 
wrould  have  had  it  otherwise,  or  that  she  regretted 
any  step  they  had  taken.  “No  man,”  she  said  of 
him  when  he.  was  waiting  execution,  “no  man  ever 
had  a kinder  heart;  he  is  generous  by  nature;  he 
has  always  aimed  to  impress  his  family  with  a spirit 
of  benevolence  ; he  has  always  taught  his  children  to 
be  unselfish — to  act  for  others  before  acting  for  them- 
selves.” She  was  a noble  woman,  fit  wife  for  a hero. 

Brown  first  engaged  in  tanning,  which  he  con- 
ducted with  his  usual  exact  scrupulousness  and  recti- 
tude, refusing  to  sell  his  leather  if  it  contained  the 
least  removable  moisture,  lest  his  customers  should 
be  defrauded  of  their  proper  weight.  Later  he 
added  sheep  farming,  and  it  is  said  his  powers 
of  observation  were  so  keen  that  he  could  tell  if 
only  a single  stray  sheep  had  wandered  into  his 
flock.  From  1826  to  1846  we  find  him  removing  fre- 
quently from  place  to  place,  engaging  in  different 
branches  of  trade  in  the  true  American  fashion. 
In  1826  he  went  to  Richmond,  Pennsylvania,  where 
he  joined  the  Presbyterian  Church,  with  which  he 
remained  more  or  less  in  association  to  the  end  of 
his  life.  Here  his  first  wife  died  and  he  married 
again.  In  1835  he  removed  to  Franklin  Mills,  Ohio, 


32 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PRO  WN 


still  conducting  his  tanning  business,  but  dealing  also 
Jn  sheep  and  cattle.  In  1840  he  returned  to  Hudson, 
/ Ohio,  where  he  had  first  commenced  housekeeping, 
^entering  now  upon  the  wool  trade.  This  business  he 
continued  at  Akron,  in  the  same  State,  forming  now 
,„a  partnership  with  a Mr  Perkins,  finally  settling  at 
/ Springfield,  Massachusetts,  where  they  opened  a large 
{ wool  warehouse.  Although  he  attended  diligently  to 
business,  and  had  the  reputation  of  being  an  upright, 
trustworthy  man,  the  venture  did  not  succeed.  The 
New  England  manufacturers  had  been  accustomed  to 
buy  wool  direct  from  the  sheep  farmers  practically  on 
their  own  terms.  They  therefore  resented  the  intru- 
sion of  the  new  firm,  and  formed  a combination  not 
to  deal  with  Perkins  & Brown. 

Brown  promptly  met  the  difficulty  by  taking  about 
200,000  lbs.  weight  of  wool  to  England,  hoping  to  sell 
it  there  to  better  advantage.  Unfortunately,  it  turned 
out  a bad  speculation,  realising  only  about  half  its 
value  on  the  London  market,  and  all  but  ruined  the 
firm.  Brown  was  reduced  almost  to  penury.  It 
does  not,  however,  seem  to  have  depressed  his 
spirits  very  seriously.  He  had  never  accepted  the 
ordinary  man’s  estimate  of  money  and  worldly 
prosperity.  He  was  much  more  concerned  to  put 
wrong  things  right,  as  far  as  he  was  able,  than  to 
make  money.  We  only  get  a few  glimpses  of  him  in 
England.  Webb  quotes  a letter  from  a friend  of  his 
to  this  effect : — “ I heard  the  following  story  told  of 
him  while  in  England,  where  he  went  to  consult  wool 
merchants  and  wool  growers.  One  evening,  in  com- 
pany with  several  of  these  persons,  each  of  whom  had 


BUSINESS  AND  FAMILY  LIFE 


33 


brought  samples  of  wool  in  his  pocket,  Brown  was 
giving  his  opinion  as  to  the  best  use  to  be  made  of 
certain  varieties,  when  one  of  the  party,  wishing  to 
play  a trick  on  the  Yankee  farmer,  handed  him  a 
sample  and  asked  him  what  he  would  do  with  such 
wool  as  that.  His  eyes  and  fingers  were  then  so 
good  that  he  had  only  to  touch  it  to  know  that  it  had 
not  the  minute  hooks  by  which  the  fibres  of  wool  are 
attached  to  each  other.  ‘ Gentlemen,’  said  he,  ‘ if  you 
have  any  machinery  that  will  work  up  dog’s  hair,  I 
would  advise  you  to  put  this  into  it.’  The 
jocose  Briton  had  sheared  a poodle  and  brought 
the  hair  in  his  pocket,  but  the  laugh  went  against 
him.” 

To  some  prominent  English  Liberationists  Brown 
disclosed  a plan  for  the  forcible  liberation  of  slaves. 
They  gave  him  no  encouragement,  but  appear  to  have 
warmly  discountenanced  any  armed  intervention  such 
as  he  suggested.  It  did  not,  however,  weaken  his 
/^solution  to  attempt  such  an  enterprise  at  some 
future  time.  He  believed  that  he  “ held  a commission 
direct  from  God  to  act  against  slavery,”  and  strong  in 
•that  belief  he  quietly  put  aside  the  well-meant  dis- 
couragements of  timid  friends.  This  probably  was 
v the  first  occasion  on  which  he  had  taken  anyone  into 
his  confidence  with  regard  to  his  plans  and  hopes, 
beyond  the  members  of  his  own  family.  Before  re- 
turning to  the  States  he  visited  France  and  Germany, 
two  subjects  engaginghis  attention  mainly — agriculture 
and  military  affairs.  He  watched  reviews  of  troops 
with  the  greatest  interest,  making  mental  notes  the 
while,  and  sketching  designs  for  forest  fortifications, 


34  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

behind  which  he  hoped  runaway  slaves  would  dare 
/to  fight  for  freedom.  Napoleon’s  battlefields  had  a 
■ powerful  attraction  for  him,  as  he  had  for  years 
^ followed  that  stormy  petrel’s  career  with  the  closest 
attention  possible  in  his  circumstances.  One  result 
of  his  observations  was  that  he  thought  a stand- 
ing army  one  of  the  greatest  curses  possible 
to  a country,  and  he  returned  to  America  with 
his  love  for  his  own  country  strengthened,  but 
with,  if  possible,  an  intenser  hatred  of  her  great 
curse,  slavery. 

Like  a true  Yankee,  he  had  no  hesitation  in  rapidly 
changing  from  one  trade  to  another,  and  from  time 
to  time  he  tried  various  avocations.  His  father  had 
taught  him  the  tanning  trade,  but  within  a few  years 
from  the  time  at  which  we  have  now  arrived  he  was 
occupied  as  a land-surveyor,  lumber-dealer,  post- 
master, wool-grower,  farmer,  fruit-grower,  wool-factor 
and  sorter,  breeder  of  horses,  stock-fancier,  land- 
speculator  and  pioneer  in  a new  country.  In  all 
he  was  energetic  and  industrious,  working  hard 
and  long,  but  in  none  did  worldly  prosperity  per- 
manently smile  upon  him.  In  1842,  at  Akron,  he 
became  bankrupt,  and  although  he  speedily  secured 
his  discharge,  he  wrote  to  his  principal  creditors 
acknowledging  his  indebtedness  and  promising 
“ to  pay  the  same  and  the  interest  thereon,  from 
time  to  time,  as  Divine  Providence  shall  enable  me 
to  do.”  At  his  death  he  had  not  discharged  the 
whole  of  his  liabilities,  and  in  his  will  he  left  fifty 
dollars  for  that  purpose,  a provision  duly  honoured 
by  his  family.  Prolonged  litigation  followed  on 


BUSINESS  AND  FAMIL  Y LIFE 


35 

his  failure,  and  it  was  several  years  before  he  got 
clear  of  legal  entanglements. 

The  wool  business  having  failed,  he  had  to  secure 
some  other  means  of  livelihood,  and  just  then  circum- 
stances seemed  to  shape  themselves  so  that  he 
could  serve  his  dual  purpose  of  finding  a home  for 
his  family  and  furthering  his  plans  for  the  liberation 
of  the  slaves. 

Mr  Gerrit  Smith,  of  Peterboro,  New  York,  a large 
landed  proprietor,  -x  philanthropist,  and  a keen 
Abolitionist,  was  at  this  time  offering  tracts  of  land 
in  the  Adirondack  Mountains,  N.E.  New  York,  to 
coloured  settlers,  *i  preference  being  given  to  escaped 
slaves.  Many  had  accepted  his  offers,  and  Brown 
thought  he  sav.  in  these  men  just  the  raw  material 
he  required  fcr  his  cherished  enterprise.  He  heard 
that  the  setters  had  been  so  badly  cheated  by  a 
dishonest  surveyor  that  the  settlement  was  in  danger 
of  failure  at  the  very  outset.  This  of  itself  was 
sufficient  to  move  Brown  to  interfere  to  set  things 
right  as  far  as  he  was  able.  Therefore  he  made  the 
following  charcteristic  offer  to  Mr  Smith : — 

“ I see  by  the  newspapers  that  you  have  offered 
so  many  acres  of  wild  land  to  each  of  the  coloured 
men,  on  condition  that  they  cultivate  them.  Now, 
they  are  mostly  inexperienced  in  this  kind  of  work, 
and  unused  to  the  climate,  while  I am  familiar  with 
both.  I propose,  therefore,  to  take  a farm  there  my- 
self, clear  it  and  plant  it,  showing  the  negroes  how 
such  work  should  be  done.  I will  also  employ  some 
of  them  on  my  land,  and  will  look  after  them  in  all 
ways,  and  will  be  a kind  of  father  to  them.”  Although 


36  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

Mr  Smith  had  not  seen  Brown  before  he  readily  fell 
in  with  the  proposal,  granted  him  the  land,  and  con- 
sented to  the  experiment  being  tried. 

/"  Thus  in  the  summer  of  1849  Brown  and  his  family 
moved  to  North  Elba.  He  had  at  this  time  ten 
. children  living,  the  two  eldest,  John  and  Jason,  being 
married.  As,  with  the  exception  of  another  term  at 
Hudson  as  a wool  merchan*-  from  1851-55 — during 
which  he  exhibited  wool  at  the  London  exhibition  of 
1851 — this  was  John  Brown’s  final  home,  we  will 
quote  Mr  T.  W.  Higginson’s  description  of  it  as  it 
appeared  in  November  1859,  when  he  went  to  take 
the  sad  news  of  the  verdict  to  the  family,  and 
accompany  Mrs  Brown  to  Charlestown  for  a last 
interview  with  her  husband. 

He  approached  it  after  twbnty-two  miles  of  moun- 
tain road  from  Keesville,  through  a wild  gap  in  the 
mountains,  beyond  which  lie  the  lovely  lakes  and 
mountains  of  the  Adirondack.  “The  Notch  seems 
beyond  the  world,  North  Elba  with  its  half-dozen 
houses  are  beyond  the  Notch,  and  there  is  a wilder 
little  mountain  road  which  rises  beyond  North  Elba. 
But  the  house  we  seek  is  not  even  on  that  road, 
but  behind  it  and  beyond  it.  You  ride  a mile  or 
two,  then  take  down  a pair  of  bars  ; beyond  the  bars 
faith  takes  you  across  a half-cleared  field,  through 
the  most  difficult  of  wood  paths,  and  after  a half  a 
mile  of  forest  you  come  out  upon  a clearing.  Tnere 
is  a little  farm  house,  unpainted,  set  in  a girdle  of 
black  stumps,  and  with  all  heaven  about  it  for  a 
wider  girdle ; on  a high  hillside,  forests  on  the  north 
and  west,  the  glorious  line  of  the  Adirondacks  on 


BUSINESS  AND  FAMIL  Y LIFE 


37 


the  east,  and  on  the  south  one  slender  road  leading 
off  to  Westport,  a road  so  straight  that  you  could 
sight  a U.S.  marshal  for  five  miles.”  Resting  against 
the  house  was  the  old  tombstone  of  John  Brown’s 
grandfather,  and  under  his  name  was  the  freshly- 
carved  inscription  to  Frederick  Brown,  “ murdered 
at  Ossawattomie  for  his  adherence  to  the  cause  of 
freedom.”  At  a later  date  John  Brown’s  own  name 
was  added,  at  his  express  wish.  Writing  from  Hudson, 
Ohio,  27th  May  1857,  he  had  said  : “ If  I should  never 
return,  it  is  my  particular  request  that  no  other 
monument  be  used  to  keep  me  in  remembrance  than 
the  same  plain  old  one  that  records  the  death  of 
my  grandfather  and  son  ; and  that  a short  story,  like 
those  already  on  it,  be  told  of  John  Brown  the  Fifth.” 
Mr  Higginson  continues  : — “ The  farm  is  a wild  place, 
cold  and  bleak.  It  is  too  cold  to  raise  corn ; indeed,  they 
can  scarcely,  in  the  most  favourable  seasons,  obtain 
a few  ears  for  roasting.  Stock  must  be  wintered  for 
nearly  six  months  every  year.  . . . They  never 
raise  anything  to  sell  off  that  farm  except  a few 
fleeces.  It  was  well,  they  said,  if  they  raised  their 
own  provisions  and  could  spin  their  own  wool  for 
clothing.” 

In  looking  at  Brown’s  relations  to  his  family  one 
feature  stands  out  remarkably  prominent,  viz.,  the 
complete  faith  of  every  member  in  his  integrity, 
their  absolute  belief  in  the  righteousness  of  the  cause 
he  had  voluntarily  undertaken  to  champion,  and  in 
the  justice  of  the  means  he  had  chosen  to  secure  his 
great  end.  He  had  trained  a band  of  enthusiasts, 
a family  of  heroes.  The  whole  scheme  of  their  lives 


38  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

was  formed  to  promote  one  object.  The  sons  eagerly 
seconded  their  father.  “ They  could  not  live  for 
themselves  alone,”  they  told  their  wives  on  leaving 
them.  Oliver,  barely  twenty,  writing  to  his  young 
wife  from  Harper’s  Ferry  just  before  his  death,  said, 
“If  I can  do  a single  good  action  my  life  will  not 
have  been  all  failure.” 

When  one  sympathised  with  Salmon  Brown— who 
remained  at  North  Elba — on  the  heavy  sacrifices  the 
family  had  made,  he  quietly  replied,  “ I sometimes 
think  that  is  what  we  came  into  the  world  for — to 
make  sacrifices.” 

And  those  who  married  into  the  family  caught  the 
same  single-eyed  devotion  also.  Few  greater  tests  of 
Brown’s  absolute  sincerity  could  be  required  than 
this.  For  years,  though  attentive  to  business,  he 
had  so  conducted  his  affairs  that  he  could  wind 
them  up  at  the  shortest  notice,  whenever  the  favour- 
able moment  should  occur  for  his  attempt  to  be 
made. 

In  dress  he  was  plain  and  unpretending,  but  scrupu- 
lously clean.  He  rose  early  and  worked  hard  and  late. 
He  was  of  very  abstemious  habits,  never  touched 
spirits,  wines,  or  tobacco,  and  only  in  his  later  years 
allowed  himself  the  luxury  of  tea  and  coffee,  when 
his  constant  absence  from  home  made  it  convenient  to 
take  what  his  friends  supplied.  As  a father  he  was 
tender  yet  strict,  enforcing  prompt  obedience.  His 
eldest  son  John  relates  a striking  experience,  illus- 
trating this  combination  of  the  stern  disciplinarian 
with  the  affectionate  parent.  He  says  he  was  first 
put  to  the  tanning  business,  and  for  three  years  his 


BUSINESS  AND  FAMILY  LIFE 


39 


chief  duty  was  to  attend  to  the  grinding  of  bark 
with  a blind  horse.  Boy-like,  he  took  spells  of  play 
when  his  father  was  absent,  and  frequently  forgot  to 
supply  the  machine  with  the  necessary  bark.  “ But  the 
creaking  of  the  hungry  mill  would  betray  my  neglect, 
and  then  father,  hearing  this  from  below,  would  come 
up  and  stealthily  pounce  upon  me  while  at  a window 
looking  upon  outside  attractions.  He  finally  grew 
tired  of  these  frequent  slight  admonitions  for  my 
laziness  and  other  shortcomings,  and  concluded  to 
adopt  with  me  a sort  of  book  account,  something 
like  this  : — 


John,  Dr. 

For  disobeying  mother  . . 8 lashes 

For  unfaithfulness  at  work  . 3 „ 

For  telling  a lie  . . 8 „ 

This  account  he  showed  me  from  time  to  time.  On 
a certain  Sunday  morning  he  invited  me  to  ac- 
company him  from  the  house  to  the  tannery,  saying 
that  he  concluded  it  was  time  for  a settlement.  We 
went  into  the  upper  or  finishing  room,  and  after  a 
long  and  tearful  talk  over  my  faults  he  again  showed 
me  my  account,  which  exhibited  a fearful  footing  up 
of  debits.  I had  no  credits  or  off-sets,  and  was  of 
course  bankrupt.  I then  paid  about  one-third  of  the 
debt,  reckoned  in  strokes  from  a nicely-prepared 
blue-beech  switch,  laid  on  ‘ masterly.’  Then,  to  my 
utter  astonishment,  father  stripped  off  his  shirt,  and 
seating  himself  on  a block,  gave  me  the  whip  and 
bade  me  ‘ lay  it  on  ’ to  his  bare  back.  I dared  not 


40  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

refuse  to  obey,  but  at  first  I did  not  strike  hard. 
‘ Harder,’  he  said,  ‘ harder ! harder ! ’ until  he  re- 
ceived the  balance  of  the  account.  Small  drops  of 
blood  showed  on  his  back  where  the  tip  end  of  the 
tingling  beech  cut  through.  Thus  ended  the  account 
and  the  settlement,  which  was  also  my  first  practical 
illustration  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Atonement.” 

The  Bible  was  the  first  book  used  by  his  children, 
and  morning  and  evening  prayer,  grace  before  and 
after  meals  was  the  daily  law  of  the  household. 
According  to  the  testimony  of  one  of  his  daughters, 
his  “ favourite  books  of  an  historical  character  were 
Rollin’s  Ancient  History , Josephus’s  Works , the  Lives 
of  Napoleon  and  His  Marshals  and  The  Life  of  Oliver 
Cromwell , of  religious  books,  Baxter’s  Sainfs  Rest , 
the  Pilgrim's  Progress  and  Henry  on  Meekness. 
But  above  all  others  the  Bible  was  his  favourite 
volume,  and  he  had  such  a perfect  knowledge  of  it 
that,  when  any  person  was  reading  it,  he  would 
correct  the  least  mistake.  When  he  came  home  at 
night,  tired  out  with  labour,  he  would,  before  going 
to  bed,  ask  some  of  the  family  to  read  chapters  (as 
was  his  usual  course  night  and  morning),  and  would 
almost  always  say  ‘ Read  one  of  David’s  Psalms.’ 
He  was  a great  admirer  of  Oliver  Cromwell.” 

She  adds,  his  favourite  passages  from  the  Bible 
were  these : — 

“ ‘ Remember  them  that  are  in  bonds  as  bound  with 
them.’ 

“ ‘ Whoso  stoppeth  his  ear  at  the  cry  of  the 
poor,  he  also  shall  cry  himself,  but  shall  not  be 
heard.’ 


B USINESS  AND  FA  MIL  Y LIFE  41 

He  that  hath  a bountiful  eye  shall  be  blessed; 
for  he  giveth  his  bread  to  the  poor.’ 

“ ‘ A good  name  is  rather  to  be  chosen  than  great 
riches,  and  loving  favour  rather  than  silver  or 
gold.’ 

“ ‘ Whoso  mocketh  the  poor,  reproacheth  his  Maker  ; 
and  he  that  is  glad  at  calamities,  shall  not  be  un- 
punished.’ 

“ ‘ He  that  hath  pity  upon  the  poor  lendeth  to  the 
Lord,  and  that  which  he  hath  given  will  He  pay  to 
him  again.’ 

“‘Give  to  him  that  asketh  of  thee,  and  from  him 
that  would  borrow  of  thee  turn  not  thou  away.’ 

“ ‘ A righteous  man  regardeth  the  life  of  his  beast ; 
but  the  tender  mercies  of  the  wicked  are  cruel.’ 

“ ‘ Withhold  not  good  from  them  to  whom  it  is 
due,  when  it  is  in  the  power  of  thine  hand  to 
do  it.’ 

“ ‘ Except  the  Lord  build  the  house,  they  labour  in 
vain  that  build  it ; except  the  Lord  keepeth  the  city, 
the  watchman  walketh  in  vain.’ 

“ 1 1 hate  vain  thoughts,  but  thy  law  do  I love.’ 

“ The  last  chapter  of  Ecclesiastes  was  a favourite 
one,  and  on  Fast-Days  and  Thanksgivings  he  used 
very  often  to  read  the  fifty- eighth  chapter  of 
Isaiah.  . . . 

“ His  favourite  hymns  (Watts’)  were  these  : ‘ Blow 
ye  the  trumpet,  blow ! ’ ‘ Sweet  is  Thy  Word,  my 
God,  my  King  ! ’ ‘ I’ll  praise  my  Maker,’  ‘ Oh,  happy 
is  the  man  who  hears ! ’ 1 Why  should  we  start  and 
fear  to  die  ! ’ ‘ With  songs  and  honours  sounding  loud,’ 
1 Ah,  lovely  appearance  of  death  ! ’ ” 


42 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


Each  Sunday  afternoon,  when  he  was  at  home,  all 
the  family,  old  and  young,  were  required  to  repeat  the 
Ten  Commandments.  Then  he  usually  spoke  to 
them,  sometimes  for  half  an  hour,  or  even  two  hours, 
“just  as  he  or  they  might  be  interested.”  “First 
pure,  then  peaceable  ” was  his  conception  of  religion. 
Love  for  God  was  to  be  shown  by  good-will  to  men. 
Tried  by  this  test  slave-holding  was  the  cardinal  sin. 
He  used  to  say  that  his  principles  were  summed  up 
in  the  Golden  Rule  and  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence. The  chief  end  of  man  was  to  do  good  to  his 
fellows,  and  above  all  to  remember  those  in  bondage. 
In  one  of  his  last  letters  to  his  wife  he  requested  that 
little  Ellen,  his  youngest  child  of  only  five  years, 
should  be  taught  a couplet  each  of  the  other  children 
had  learned. 

“ Count  that  day  lost  whose  low-descending  sun, 

Views  from  thy  hand  no  worthy  action  done.” 

Two  years  previously  he  had  sent  her  a Bible  with 
this  inscription: — 

“ This  Bible,  presented  to  my  dearly-beloved 
daughter,  Ellen  Brown,  is  not  intended  for  common 
use,  but  to  be  carefully  preserved  for  her  and  by  her 
in  remembrance  of  her  father  (of  whose  care  and 
attention  she  was  deprived  in  her  infancy,  he  being 
absent  in  the  Territory  of  Kansas  from  the  summer 
of  1855). 

“ May  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God  incline  your  heart,  in 
earliest  childhood,  ‘to  receive  the  truth  in  the  love  of 
it,’  and  to  form  your  thoughts,  words  and  actions  by 
its  wise  and  holy  precepts  is  my  best  wish  and  most 


BUSINESS  AND  FAMILY  LIFE 


43 


earnest  prayer  to  Him  in  whose  care  I leave  you. 
Amen.  From  your  affectionate  father, 

“John  Brown. 

11 2nd  April  1857.” 

And  two  years  later,  just  before  the  attack  on 
Harper’s  Ferry,  he  wrote  to  his  daughter  Anne : 
“ Anne,  I want  you  first  of  all  to  become  a sincere, 
humble  and  consistent  Christian,  and  then  to  acquire 
good  and  efficient  business  habits.  Save  this  to  re- 
member your  father  by,  Anne.  God  Almighty  bless 
and  save  you  all.” 

His  daughter,  Mrs  Thompson,  describing  the  death 
of  his  first  daughter,  Ellen,  says  : — “ Father  showed 
much  tenderness  in  the  care  of  the  little  sufferer.  He 
spared  no  pains  in  doing  all  that  medical  skill  could 
do  for  her,  together  with  the  tenderest  care  and  nurs- 
ing. The  time  that  he  could  be  at  home  was  mostly 
spent  in  caring  for  her.  He  sat  up  nights  to  keep  an 
even  temperature  in  the  room  and  to  relieve  mother 
from  the  constant  care  which  she  had  through  the 
day.  He  used  to  walk  with  the  child  and  sing  to  her 
so  much  that  she  soon  learned  his  step.  When  she 
heard  him  coming  up  the  steps  to  the  door  she  would 
reach  out  her  hands  and  cry  for  him  to  take  her. 
When  his  business  at  the  wool  store  crowded  him  so 
much  that  he  did  not  have  time  to  take  her,  he  would 
steal  around  through  the  wood-shed  into  the  kitchen 
to  eat  his  dinner,  and  not  go  into  the  dining-room, 
where  she  could  see  or  hear  him.  I used  to  be 
charmed  myself  with  his  singing  to  her.  He  noticed 
a change  in  her  one  morning,  and  told  us  he  thought 


44 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PRO  WN 


she  would  not  live  through  the  day,  and  came  home 
several  times  to  see  her.  A little  before  noon  he 
came  home,  and  looked  at  her  and  said,  ‘She  is 
almost  gone.’  She  heard  him  speak,  opened  her 
eyes,  and  put  up  her  little  wasted  hands  with  such  a 
pleading  look  for  him  to  take  her  that  he  lifted  her 
from  the  cradle,  with  the  pillows  she  was  lying  on, 
and  carried  her  until  she  died.  He  was  very  calm, 
closed  her  eyes,  folded  her  hands,  and  laid  her  in  her 
cradle.  When  she  was  buried,  father  broke  down 
completely,  and  sobbed  like  a child.  It  was  very 
affecting  to  see  him  so  overcome,  when  all  the  time 
before  his  great  tender  heart  had  tried  to  comfort  our 
weary,  sorrowing  mother  and  all  of  us.” 

To  his  wife  he  was  a devoted,  faithful  husband, 
and  it  was  only  an  overpowering  sense  of  duty — 
equally  shared  by  her — which  took  him  so  much 
away  from  home,  wife  and  children.  “ When  I have 
been  ill,”  she  said,  “ he  has  always  been  nurse,  unless 
he  was  compelled  to  be  absent.  For  two  weeks 
together  he  has  sat  up,  night  after  night,  just  to  keep 
alive  the  fire,  fearing,  if  he  were  to  lie  down  and  go 
soundly  to  sleep,  it  would  go  out  and  I should 
thereby  take  cold.  Many  and  many  a time  he  has 
bid  me  good-bye,  hardly  able  to  speak  for  his  tears, 
saying  that  he  never  might  see  me  again.” 

Throughout  his  letters  there  are  frequent  ex- 
pressions of  his  warm  affection  for  his  wife  and 
family,  and  his  strong  desire  to  be  with  them. 
“ At  almost  all  places  where  I stop  I am  treated 
with  all  kindness  and  attention,  but  it  does  not 
make  home.  I feel  lonely  and  restless,  no  matter 


BUSINESS  AND  FAMILY  LIFE 


45 


how  neat  and  comfortable  my  room  and  bed,  nor 
how  richly  loaded  may  be  the  table ; they  have 
very  few  charms  for  me  away  from  home,  I 
can  look  back  to  our  log-cabin  at  the  centre  of 
Richfield,  with  a supper  of  porridge  and  johnny- 
cake,  as  a place  of  far  more  interest  to  me  than 
the  Massasoit  (hotel)  of  Springfield.  But  ‘there’s 
mercy  in  every  place.’”  (From  Springfield,  Mass., 
28th  November  1850). 

And  from  Kansas,  23rd  November  1855,  he 
wrote : — “I  think  much,  too,  of  your  kind  of 
widowed  state ; and  I sometimes  allow  myself 
to  dream  a little  of  again  some  time  enjoying 
the  comforts  of  home,  but  I do  not  dare  to 
dream  much.  May  God  abundantly  reward  all 
your  sacrifices  for  the  cause  of  humanity.”  And 
a year  later,  from  the  same  place : — “ The  idea  of 
again  visiting  those  of  my  dear  family  at  North 
Elba  is  so  calculated  to  unman  me,  that  I seldom 
allow  my  thoughts  to  dwell  upon  it ; and  I do 
not  think  best  to  write  much  about  it.” 

The  following  letter  to  his  wife  is  so  characteristic 
in  several  particulars  that  it  may  be  quoted  in 
full. 

“Springfield,  Mass.,  7th  March  1844. 

“ My  dear  Mary, — It  is  once  more  Sabbath 
evening,  and  nothing  so  much  accords  with  my 
feelings  as  to  spend  a portion  of  it  in  conversing 
with  the  partner  of  my  choice  and  the  sharer  of 
my  poverty,  trials,  discredit  and  sore  afflictions, 
as  well  as  of  what  comfort  and  seeming  prosperity 


46  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


has  fallen  to  my  lot  for  quite  a number  of  years. 
I would  you  should  realise  that,  notwithstanding 
I am  absent  in  body,  I am  very  much  of  the 
time  present  in  spirit.  I do  not  forget  the  firm 
attachment  of  her  who  has  remained  my  fast  and 
faithful  affectionate  friend  when  others  said  of  me, 
£ Now  that  he  lieth,  he  shall  rise  up  no  more.’  I 
now  feel  encouraged  to  believe  that  my  absence 
will  not  be  very  long.  After  being  so  much 
away  it  seems  as  if  I knew  pretty  well  how  to 
appreciate  the  quiet  of  home.  There  is  a peculiar 
music  in  the  word  which  a half-year’s  absence  in 
a distant  country  would  enable  you  to  under- 
stand. Millions  there  are  who  have  no  such 
thing  to  lay  claim  to.  I feel  considerable  regret 
by  turns  that  I have  lived  so  many  years  and 
have  in  reality  done  so  little  to  increase  the 
amount  of  human  happiness.  I often  regret  that 
my  manner  is  no  more  kind  and  affectionate  to 
those  I really  love  and  esteem ; but  I trust  my 
friends  will  overlook  my  harsh,  rough  ways  when 
I cease  to  be  in  their  way  as  an  occasion  of  pain 
and  unhappiness.  In  imagination  I often  see  you 
in  your  room  with  Little  Chick  and  that  strange 
Anna.  You  must  say  to  her  that  father  means  to 
come  before  long  and  kiss  somebody.  I will  close 
by  saying  that  it  is  my  growing  resolution  to 
endeavour  to  promote  my  own  happiness  by  doing 
what  I can  to  render  those  about  me  more  so.  If 
the  large  boys  do  wrong,  call  them  alone  into 
your  room  and  expostulate  with  them  kindly,  and 
see  if  you  cannot  reach  them  by  a kind  but  powerful 


BUSINESS  AND  FAMILY  LIFE 


47 


appeal  to  their  honour.  I do  not  claim  that  such 
a theory  accords  very  well  with  my  practice — I 
frankly  confess  it  does  not — but  I want  your  face 
to  shine,  even  if  my  own  should  be  dark  and 
cloudy.  You  can  let  the  family  read  this  letter, 
and  perhaps  you  may  not  feel  it  a great  burden 
to  answer  it  and  let  me  hear  all  about  how  you 
get  along.  Affectionately  yours, 

“John  Brown.” 

Pity  for  the  helpless  sufferings  of  others  was  the 
mainspring  of  his  action,  and  he  was  content  to 
deny  himself  the  pleasures  of  home — which  he 
loved  with  a strong  affection — in  order  to  bring 
relief  to  those  who  had  no  helper.  “ I want  all 
my  family  to  imagine  themselves  in  the  same 
dreadful  condition.”  And  again  he  refers  to  “ the 
constant  ringing  in  my  ears  of  the  despairing  cry 
of  millions  whose  woes  none  but  God  knows.” 
And  so  profoundly  convinced  was  he  of  the  justice 
of  his  cause  that  “ I would  be  glad  that  my 
posterity  should  not  only  remember  their  parent- 
age, but  also  the  cause  they  laboured  in.” 

This  man  was  certainly  no  bloodthirsty  free- 
booter, delighting  in  war,  seeking  his  own  selfish 
ends  by  its  means.  He  was  one  who,  having 
hated  war  from  his  youth  up,  was  forced  into  it 
by  the  strength  of  his  conviction  that  the  great 
national  curse  of  his  time  could  not  be  removed 
by  any  other  means. 

Now,  at  the  age  of  fifty-five  years,  taking  up 
his  rifle,  he  risks  his  life  in  the  promotion  of  his 


48  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


principles,  and  in  four  short  years  thrills  the  whole 
nation  with  the  story  of  his  deeds  and  precipitates 
the  great  Civil  War.  Years  previously  he  had 
written  : — “ Let  our  motto  still  be  action,  action — 
as  we  have  but  one  life  to  live.” 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS 

Kansas,  which  for  the  next  few  years  became  the 
“ cock-pit  ” of  the  contending  parties,  is  divided  into 
thirty-six  counties,  is  situated  about  the  centre  of 
the  North  American  Continent,  and  has  an  area  about 
equal  to  Scotland.  It  “ consists  of  undulating  prairies, 
with  a rich  and  fertile  soil,  and  is  well  watered  by 
streams  flowing  through  picturesque  valleys,  generally 
bordered  with  woods  to  the  distance  of  a quarter  or 
half  a mile  of  their  high  banks  on  either  side.”  Lying 
directly  west  of  Missouri,  it  had  for  its  neighbour  one 
of  the  bitterest  and  least  scrupulous  slave-holding 
communities  in  the  Union.  In  1850  it  had  a popula- 
tion of  8500,  which  in  ten  years  increased  to  107,000. 
But  during  the  time  of  the  “ struggle  for  Kansas  ” 
the  population  did  not,  in  all  probability,  exceed 
50,000. 

Immediately  Douglas  had  carried  his  Third  Ne- 
braska Bill,  and  so  obtained  legal  sanction  to  his 
doctrine  of  “ squatter  sovereignty,”  the  struggle  for 
freedom  was  transferred  from  Congress  to  the  newly- 
organised  Territories,  and  all  eyes  were  turned  eagerly 
towards  the  West.  “ Come  on,  then,  gentlemen  of  the 
Slave  States,”  said  Seward  in  a Senate  discussion  ; 

D 49 


5° 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


“ since  there  is  no  escaping  your  challenge,  I accept 
it  in  behalf  of  Freedom.  We  will  engage  in  competi- 
tion for  the  virgin  soil  of  Kansas,  and  God  give  the 
victory  to  the  side  that  is  stronger  in  numbers  as  it 
is  in  right.”  But  something  of  more  immediate  im- 
portance than  the  “ virgin  soil  of  Kansas  ” was  involved 
in  the  contest,  viz.,  the  question  of  the  preponderance 
of  parties  in  Congress.  The  acquisition  of  Kansas 
by  the  South  would  restore  the  “ balance  of  power,” 
by  equalising  the  number  of  Free  and  Slave  States. 
It  would  further  give  the  slaveholders  a breathing 
time  in  which  to  organise  their  forces  for  further  acts 
of  aggression.  But  with  right  and  “ big  battalions  ” 
also  on  the  side  of  the  North,  in  the  proportion  of 
fifteen  millions  to  ten,  Kansas  would  not  be  lightly 
lost,  and  the  issue,  however  long  delayed,  must  finally 
go  against  the  South. 

Both  sides  prepared  to  send  aid  to  their  friends 
in  the  new  State  in  characteristic  manner.  The  North 
by  perfectly  legal  combination,  the  South  by  gross 
violation  of  all  forms  of  law,  and  the  constant  infringe- 
ment of  the  common  rights  of  humanity.  The  opera- 
tions of  the  Massachusetts  Emigrant  Aid  Society  are 
typical  of  many  similar  enterprises  promoted  in  the 
North.  The  society  was  organised  by  the  Hon.  Eli 
Thayer,  and  advertised  its  readiness  to  assist  any 
emigrants  who  desired  to  go  to  Kansas,  by  organis- 
ing them  into  companies  under  the  direction  of  trust- 
worthy agents,  and  by  obtaining  reduced  transit 
rates  for  them  from  the  railway  companies.  It 
bought  machinery  for  a few  saw-mills,  the  type 
for  two  or  three  newspapers,  and  erected  a hotel  for 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS 


5 1 


the  newcomers.  Beyond  purchasing  the  land 
necessary  for  these  undertakings,  it  engaged  in  no 
commercial  enterprise,  and  although  it  was  known  to 
be  promoted  by  Free-soilers  it  did  not  inquire  into 
the  political  opinions  of  those  whom  it  aided.  In 
July  1854  thirty  persons  assisted  by  this  society 
founded  the  town  of  Lawrence,  near  the  Missourian 
border.  This  little  town  was  destined  speedily  to 
become  the  headquarters  of  the  more  determined  of 
the  Free  State  men,  and  the  scene  also  of  some  of 
the  most  dastardly  outrages  of  the  Border  Ruffians. 
These  emigrants  from  the  North  were,  as  a rule, 
genuine  settlers,  who  had  come  to  establish  homes 
for  their  wives  and  families.  They  were — speaking 
generally — Free-soilers,  but  their  first  anxiety  was 
to  cultivate  the  land  in  peace. 

The  South  — represented  by  the  Missourians — 
formed  along  the  whole  eastern  border  line  of  Kansas 
secret  organisations  known  as  “ Blue  Lodges.”  Their 
constitution  and  aims  will  become  sufficiently  ap- 
parent as  their  subsequent  deeds  are  recorded,  during 
many  unscrupulous  attempts  to  secure  Kansas  for 
slavery.  One  of  their  chief  leaders  was  Senator 
Atchison,  acting  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
He  declared  the  attainment  of  their  object  was  almost 
as  dear  to  him  as  his  hope  of  heaven.  Speaking  in 
Platte  County,  Missouri,  on  the  borders  of  Kansas, 
he  said,  with  clumsy  phraseology  but  clear  enough 
meaning : — 

“ When  you  reside  in  one  day’s  journey  of  the 
Territory,  and  when  your  peace,  your  quiet  and  your 
property  depend  upon  your  action,  you  can  without 


52  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

an  exertion  send  500  of  your  young  men  who  will 
vote  in  favour  of  your  institutions.  Should  each 
county  in  the  State  of  Missouri  only  do  its  duty,  the 
question  will  be  decided  quietly  and  peaceably  at  the 
ballot  box.”  * What  right  they  had  to  cross  the 
border  and  vote  in  another  State  “ in  favour  of  your 
institutions,”  he  does  not  appear  to  have  explained  to 
them.  But  they  acted  upon  his  advice,  nevertheless. 
Prominent  citizens  of  Missouri  led  bands  of  men  into 
Kansas  to  hold  squatter  meetings  as  citizens  of 
Kansas,  when  they  adopted  such  resolutions  as 
these  : — 

“ That  we  will  afford  protection  to  no  Abolitionist 
as  a settler  in  this  Territory.” 

“ That  we  recognise  the  institution  of  slavery  as 
already  existing  in  this  Territory,  and  advise  slave- 
holders to  introduce  their  property  as  early  as 
possible.”  But  they  did  not  stop  there.  Webb 
quotes  a speech  reported  to  have  been  delivered  by 
General  Stringfellow  at  St  Joseph,  Missouri,  in  1854, 
in  which  he  deliberately  incites  a sufficiently  lawless 
people  to  murder.  “ I tell  you  to  mark  every 
scoundrel  among  you  who  is  the  least  tainted  with 
Abolitionism,  or  Free-soilism,  and  exterminate  him. 

Neither  give  nor  take  quarter  from  the  d rascals. 

To  those  who  have  qualms  of  conscience  as  to  violat- 
ing laws,  State  or  national,  I say  the  time  has  come 
when  such  impositions  must  be  disregarded,  as  your 
rights  and  property  are  in  danger.  I advise  you,  one 
and  all,  to  enter  every  election  district  in  Kansas,  in 
defiance  of  Reeder  ” (Governor  of  Kansas,  appointed 

* Quoted  by  Nicolay  and  Hay. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS 


53 


by  the  U.S.  Government)  “and  his  myrmidons,  and 
vote  at  the  point  of  the  bowie-knife  and  revolver. 
Neither  take  nor  give  quarter,  as  the  cause  demands 
it.  It  is  enough  that  the  slave-holding  interest  wills 
it,  from  which  there  is  no  appeal.” 

O “rights  of  property,”  what  crimes  are  com- 
mitted in  thy  name ! 

Needless  to  say,  such  traitorous  advice,  coming 
from  men  in  the  highest  positions,  and  falling  upon 
the  very  inflammable  material  scattered  over  every 
Slave  State,  produced  the  worst  possible  results  in 
murders,  outrages,  burnings,  wholesale  destruction  of 
crops  and  property,  and  finally  a miniature  civil  war. 

President  Pierce,  who  had  the  strongest  bias 
towards  slavery,  appointed  Andrew  H.  Reeder,  a 
member  of  his  own  party,  the  first  Governor  of 
Kansas.  He  was  entrusted  with  full  executive  and 
administrative  powers  until  the  first  Legislature 
should  be  duly  formed.  Noting  the  preparations 
made  by  the  Missourians,  he  deferred  the  election 
of  a Legislature,  and  issued  a proclamation  for  the 
election  of  a delegate  to  Congress  only.  A day  or 
two  before  the  election — which  was  on  29th 
November  1854 — the  whole  Missourian  border  was 
astir  with  preparations  for  a great  exodus.  Over 
1700  Border  Ruffians,  armed  with  swords, 
revolvers  and  rifles,  rushed  into  Kansas,  and 
took  absolute  possession  of  more  than  half  the 
polling  stations.  They  allowed  no  one  to  vote  who 
was  known  to  favour  Abolition.  They  intimidated 
the  returning  officers  and  forced  them  to  register 
alien  votes  at  the  sword’s  point.  A grosser  outrage 


54 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


on  “ popular  sovereignty  ” can  scarcely  be  conceived 
than  these  champions  of  the  “ rights  of  property  ” 
thus  perpetrated.  The  Kansas  Herald  of  Freedom 
described  in  detail  what  took  place  in  one  district, 
and  subsequent  investigations  by  a Committee  of 
Congress  showed  it  was  but  typical  of  the  re- 
mainder. 

“ In  the  district  of  Tecumseh,  Mount  Burgess,  one 
of  the  judges  appointed  by  the  Governor  was 
violently  threatened  ; a pistol  was  three  times 
snapped  in  his  face  and  a club  flourished  over  his 
head,  till  finally  he  was  compelled  to  proclaim  the 
election  adjourned.  The  mob  then  elected  a new 
Board,  with  two  drunken  secretaries,  who  took 
possession  of  the  ballot  box,  and  allowed  no  person 
to  approach  it  unless  he  was  right  on  the  ‘ goose 
question  ’ — a slang  phrase  used  among  the 
Missourians  implying  they  are  in  favour  of  extending 
the  institution  of  slavery  over  Kansas.  No  questions 
were  asked  the  voter  as  to  his  citizenship  or  place  of 
residence,  no  oath  was  administered,  or  other  test 
required,  save  an  assurance  of  support  to  the  pro- 
slavery ticket.” 

Of  the  2843  votes  recorded,  1729  were  subse- 
quently found  to  be  illegal.  But  for  the  moment 
these  tactics  were  successful,  and  Whitfield,  the 
pro-slavery  candidate,  was  declared  duly  elected, 
and  the  ruffianly  mob  returned  to  Missouri 
loudly  rejoicing  in  their  victory  over  the  “ Abolition 
hordes  and  nigger  thieves  of  the  Emigrant  Aid 
Society.” 

After  taking  a census  of  the  population  Governor 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS 


55 


Reeder  ordered  the  election  of  the  Territorial 
Legislature,  appointing  30th  March  1855  as  the 
polling  day.  Knowing  the  character  of  the  men  he 
had  to  deal  with,  the  Governor  took  every  pre- 
caution in  his  power  to  secure  a pure  election,  but 
his  efforts  were  of  no  avail.  The  action  of  the 
Missourians  in  the  previous  November  proved  to 
be  a mere  trial  of  strength.  This  time  5000  of 
them,  armed  to  the  teeth,  crossed  the  border  and  took 
possession  of  the  ballot  boxes  in  all  directions. 
Only  a few  of  the  polling  stations  in  the  more 
remote  districts  remained  unmolested.  According 
to  Nicolay  and  Hay,  “Riot,  violence,  intimidation, 
destruction  of  ballot  boxes,  expulsion  and  substitu- 
tion of  judges,  neglect  or  refusal  to  administer  the 
prescribed  oaths,  viva  voce  voting,  repeated  voting 
on  one  side,  and  obstruction  and  dispersion  of  voters 
on  the  other,  were  common  incidents.”  Subsequent 
investigation  showed  that  whilst  only  1410  legal 
votes  were  cast,  there  were  no  less  than  4908 
illegal  ones  given.  Of  the  total  number  cast 
5427  were  given  to  pro-slavery  candidates,  and 
only  791  to  the  Free-soilers,  every  slavery  candidate 
but  one  being  elected. 

In  actual  fear  of  his  life,  and  in  presence  of  an 
armed  mob,  Governor  Reeder  was  forced  to  issue 
certificates  to  the  illegally-elected  men,  but  he  refused 
one  third  of  them  under  plea  of  defects  in  their 
papers.  This  “ bogus  ” Legislature  first  met  at 
Pawnee  on  the  summons  of  the  Governor,  but  after 
electing  Stringfellow  speaker  removed  itself  to 
Shawnee  Mission  School,  close  to  the  Missourian 


56  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

border.  Here  it  proceeded  to  oust  all  the  members 
elected  to  fill  the  places  of  the  candidates  rejected 
by  the  Governor,  and  to  substitute  those  rejected 
ones.  Next,  in  great  haste  it  passed  the  “ Revised 
Statutes  of  Missouri,”  with  regard  to  slavery,  and  in 
the  excess  of  their  unholy  zeal  added  to  them 
a special  “ Act  to  punish  offences  against  slave 
property.”  A few  specimens  of  its  provisions  may 
be  given.  It  prescribed  the  death  penalty  for  the 
slight  offence  of  enticing  away  a slave  or  assisting 
him  to  escape.  For  concealing  a fugitive  slave,  ten 
years’  imprisonment.  For  resisting  the  arrest  of  a 
fugitive  slave,  two  years’  imprisonment.  To  print 
matter  calculated  to  incite  slaves  to  escape  was 
punishable  with  five  years’  imprisonment.  Even  to 
deny  the  right  of  holding  slaves  by  speaking,  writing 
or  circulating  books  or  papers  would  involve  two 
years  in  gaol.  And  to  make  certain  the  perpetuation 
of  their  dominance,  they  disqualified  any  man  from 
voting  who  would  not  swear,  when  challenged,  to 
support  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  They  thus  pro- 
vided for  the  permanent  disfranchisement  of  all 
conscientious  Free  State  men,  and  had  apparently 
completed  their  victory  for  all  time. 

Meanwhile,  reports  of  their  illegal  proceedings  had 
outraged  public  feeling  in  the  North  and  East,  and 
Free-soil  emigrants  began  to  settle  in  Kansas  in 
increasing  numbers.  They  were  mostly  of  good  old 
Puritan  stock,  and  were  frequently  heard  singing 
“ When  I can  read  my  title  clear  to  mansions  in  the 
skies  ” whilst  waiting  on  the  railway  stations.  But 
they  appreciated  to  the  full  the  value  of  “ Sharpe’s 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS 


57 


rifles  ” — a new  breech-loader  just  coming  into  use — 
and  knew  its  superiority  to  the  old  muskets.  They 
understood  and  believed  in  the  motto:  “Trust  in 
God  and  keep  your  powder  dry.” 

Among  the  earliest  of  these  new  arrivals  were  the 
four  sons  of  John  Brown  by  his  first  wife,  who 
removed  from  Ohio.  The  two  eldest — John  and 
Jason — were  married  and  had  families,  the  latter  also 
possessing  a large  stock  of  fruit  trees  which  he  took 
with  him.  The  two  younger  brothers,  Owen  and 
Frederick,  followed  with  the  waggons,  cattle  and 
horses,  wintering  in  Illinois  on  the  way.  This  plan 
proved  both  expensive  and  irksome,  entailing 
considerable  hardship  on  the  young  men,  who, 
however,  arrived  safely  in  Kansas  in  the  spring  of 
1855,  after  having  been  joined  by  Salmon,  the 
youngest  of  the  five.  “ During  this  slow  journey 
with  their  stock  across  the  entire  width  of  Missouri,” 
writes  their  father,  “ they  heard  much  from  the 
people  of  the  stores  of  wrath  and  vengeance  which 
were  then  and  there  gathering  for  the  Free  State  men 
and  Abolitionists  gone  or  going  to  Kansas,  and  were 
themselves  often  admonished,  in  no  very  mild 
language,  to  stop  ere  it  should  be  too  late.” 

They  settled  in  Lykins  County,  South  Kansas, 
near  the  small  River  Pottawattomie,  and  soon  found 
that  they  had  not  only  to  contend  with  the  natural 
hardships  of  their  position — exposure  to  inclement 
weather,  hard  fare  and  heavy  toil — but  were  sub- 
jected in  addition  to  constant  annoyance  and  in- 
sult from  the  self-styled  “law  and  order”  men 
from  Missouri.  A friend  writing  of  them  said : 


58  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

“ The  brothers  were  all  Free  State  men  in  opinion ; 
but  removing  thither  with  the  intention  of  settling 
down,  went  without  arms.  They  were  harassed, 
plundered,  threatened  and  insulted  by  gangs  of 
marauding  Border  Ruffians,  with  whom  the  prime 
object  was  plunder ; and  noisy  pro-slavery  partisan- 
ship was  equivalent  to  a free  charter  to  plunder 
with  impunity.  The  sons  wrote  to  their  father  re- 
questing him  to  procure  such  arms  as  might  en- 
able them  in  some  degree  to  protect  themselves, 
and  personally  to  bring  them  to  Kansas.” 

This  was  an  appeal  John  Brown  was  unable  to 
resist.  Here  was  an  opportunity  of  helping  his 
sons — whose  sufferings  moved  him  deeply — and  at 
the  same  time  of  striking  a blow  for  freedom.  Any 
extension  of  the  untold  horrors  of  slavery  he  could 
never  regard  with  composure ; and  aided  by  generous 
New  England  friends,  he  was  able  to  take  arms  and 
some  little  money  also  to  his  sons  in  Kansas.  He 
had  no  intention  of  settling  there  himself.  One  of 
his  children,  writing  of  his  departure  from  North 
Elba,  says:  “On  leaving  us  the  first  time  he 
went  to  Kansas,  he  said,  ‘ If  it  is  so  painful  for 
us  to  part,  with  the  hope  of  meeting  again,  how 
dreadful  must  be  the  separation  for  life  of  hundreds 
of  poor  slaves,’  ” these  poor  victims  being  ever 
uppermost  in  his  thoughts.  He  reached  Kansas 
in  the  autumn  of  1855.  But  between  the  arrival 
of  his  sons  and  his  own,  several  important  de- 
velopments had  taken  place  in  the  young  State. 

Governor  Reeder,  by  honestly  trying  to  hold  an 
even  balance  between  the  two  contending  parties, 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS 


59 


had  rendered  himself  intensely  obnoxious  to  the 
Missourians.  Therefore  President  Pierce,  who  acted 
throughout  as  their  pliant  tool,  acceded  to  their 
demand  for  his  removal,  and  appointed  Governor 
Shannon  in  his  place,  who  immediately  threw  him- 
self into  the  arms  of  the  Missourians,  and  eagerly 
entered  into  all  their  plans.  The  effect  this  gross 
piece  of  partisanship  had  upon  the  public  mind 
of  the  North  is  indicated  by  the  following  extract 
from  the  New  York  Evening  Post , then  edited 
by  William  Cullen  Bryant,  the  poet : — “ Governor 
Reeder  found  the  people  whom  he  was  sent  out 
to  govern  invaded  by  a lawless  band  of  alien 
marauders.  He  resisted  them  with  such  weapons 
as  the  Constitution  and  the  Law  had  placed  in  his 
hands,  and  no  other.  His  resistance  brought  upon 
him  the  hostility  of  those,  and  those  only,  whose 
piratical  schemes  be  foiled.  They  memorialised  the 
President  to  remove  him ; and  he  has  removed 
him.  By  that  act  President  Pierce  has  given 
countenance  and  encouragement  to  those  who 
have  openly  defied  the  officers  and  laws  of  the 
Federal  Government.  By  that  act  he  has  taken 
sides  with  lawlessness  and  violence  against  the 
people  of  Kansas  and  public  peace.  By  that  act 
he  has  made  his  administration  responsible  for  the 
composition  of  the  so-called  Kansas  Legislature, 
and  the  outrages  which  prevented  the  citizens  of 
the  Territory  from  participating  in  its  election. 
By  that  act  he  has  made  himself  a party  to  the 
schemes  of  Atchison  and  Stringfellow,  and  con- 
victed himself  and  his  administration  of  a deter- 


60  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

mination  from  the  beginning  to  make  Kansas  a 
Slave  State.” 

The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  any  organisation 
among  the  Free  State  settlers  were  very  great,  and 
but  for  the  cruel  pressure  from  without  would 
probably  have  proved  insuperable,  or  at  least  de- 
layed in  realisation  long  enough  to  enable  the 
slavery  men  completely  to  capture  the  State.  But 
bigotry  and  greed  are  hard  taskmasters,  and  under 
their  malign  influence  the  Missourians  overshot 
the  mark.  Their  continued  outrages  showed  the 
Free-soilers  that  not  only  was  the  question  of 
slavery  involved,  but  that  their  own  lives  and 
property  were  at  stake  also,  and  the  right  to  live 
where  they  chose.  Therefore,  driven  by  sternest 
necessity,  they  — utter  strangers  to  each  other, 
coming  from  widely-separated  States,  with  different 
habits  and  customs — by  one  impulse  rallied  together 
for  common  defence.  Their  first  meeting  was  held 
in  Lawrence  on  15th  August  1855,  “ irrespective  of 
party  distinctions,  and  influenced  by  common 
necessity.”  They  resolved  to  ask  all  bona  - fide 
citizens  of  Kansas — of  whatever  political  views — 
to  elect  delegates  to  attend  a State  convention  to 
be  held  at  Topeka  on  23rd  October.  This  was  a 
perfectly  legal  proceeding,  being  merely  the  exercise 
of  the  elementary  rights  of  citizenship  guaranteed  by 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  it  ought 
to  have  secured  the  protection  of  President  Pierce’s 
administration. 

The  convention  met  as  arranged  and  adopted  a 
constitution,  known  as  the  Topeka  Constitution,  ex- 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS  61 

eluding  slavery.  It  instantly  secured  the  adhesion 
of  all  Free  State  men,  and  when  submitted  to  the 
popular  vote  in  December  1855  was  accepted  by  a 
large  majority.  But  it  had  no  legal  validity, 
the  Executive,  by  a gross  misuse  of  their  power, 
having  recognised  the  “bogus”  constitution  of  the 
Missourians.  Nevertheless,  the  Topeka  men  pro- 
ceeded to  a formal  election  of  delegates  to  the 
Territorial  Legislature  in  January  1856.  Thus, 
though  barely  one  year  old,  the  infant  State  found 
itself  with  two  rival  Governments,  one  elected  by 
a majority  of  the  bona-fide  inhabitants,  but  not 
recognised  by  the  United  States  Executive,  the 
other  elected  chiefly  by  Missourians,  but  possess- 
ing the  legal  sanction  the  first  lacked.  One  striking 
figure  at  these  meetings  was  that  of  ex-Governor 
Reeder,  who  addressed  the  convention,  wrote  a 
number  of  the  resolutions  adopted,  and  was  elected 
Territorial  Delegate  to  Congress,  the  Missourians, 
as  before  stated,  having  already  sent  Whitfield 
as  delegate. 

The  Topeka  Convention  repudiated  in  strong  terms 
the  “bogus  Legislature  ” set  up  by  their  opponents  from 
over  the  border,  and  declared  “ that  we  will  endure 
and  submit  to  these  laws  no  longer  than  the  best 
interests  of  the  Territory  require,  as  the  least  of  two 
evils,  and  will  resist  them  to  a bloody  issue  as  soon 
as  we  ascertain  that  peaceable  remedies  shall  fail.” 
They  also  resolved  on  the  formation  of  volunteer 
companies  and  the  purchase  of  arms. 

General  Cass  presented  this  constitution  to  the 
Senate  for  adoption,  and  asked  for  the  admission  of 


62 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


Kansas  to  the  Union  as  a Free  State.  But  the  Senate 
was  under  Southern  domination,  and  President 
Pierce  denounced  the  constitution  as  insurrectionary- 
in  his  annual  message  to  Congress.  Thus  the  only 
result  of  the  appeal  of  the  Free  State  men  was  that 
they  were  branded  as  an  illegal  combination,  to  be 
put  down  by  force  of  arms. 

But  they  had  not  gone  so  far  to  be  turned  back 
easily.  They  steadily  pursued  their  policy  of  not 
acknowledging  the  Slavery  Constitution.  “ As  much 
as  possible  they  stood  aloof  from  the  civil  officers 
appointed  by  and  through  the  bogus  Legislature, 
recorded  no  title  papers,  began  no  lawsuits,  abstained 
from  elections,  and  denied  themselves  privileges 
which  required  any  open  recognition  of  the  alien 
Missourian  Statutes.”  For  two  years  they  practised 
this  strict  non-conformity,  submitting  cheerfully  to 
all  laws  of  Congress,  all  acts  of  the  central  authority, 
and  even  bore  without  resistance  obnoxious  searches 
and  seizures,  capricious  arrests  and  imprisonments, 
the  confiscation  of  their  newspapers  as  treasonable 
documents,  the  exclusion  of  their  lawyers  from  the 
courts  because  of  their  refusal  to  take  the  test  oath, 
and  many  other  indignities  and  outrages,  rather  than 
put  themselves  in  the  position  of  rebellious  subjects 
of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  VI 

KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 

The  lawless  deeds  of  the  Missourians  at  last  forced 
the  Free  State  men,  in  spite  of  their  good  resolutions, 
first  into  acts  of  defence  and  then  to  reprisals. 
During  the  “ bogus  ” election  of  the  representative 
to  Congress  in  October  1855  actual  murder  was  com- 
mitted in  addition  to  many  deeds  of  violence.  In 
Leavenworth  a Free  State  citizen  named  John  Fornan 
on  refusing  to  vote  for  slavery  was  chased  through 
the  streets,  a yelling  mob  at  his  heels  crying,  “ Hang 
him!  lynch  him!  tar  and  feather  the  Yankee!” 
Finding  they  could  not  overtake  him,  one  of  the 
desperadoes  fired.  The  ball  pierced  Fornan’s  hat, 
and  passing  through  the  boards  of  a neighbouring 
house  killed  a little  child  playing  at  its  mother’s 
feet.  Thomas  Newman,  another  anti-slavery  man, 
was  knocked  down  in  the  street  and  fatally  stabbed 
at  the  same  time.  A hundred  Free-soilers  armed 
themselves  and  gave  chase  to  the  murderers,  who 
had  decamped  ; and  no  wonder  the  local  newspaper 
exultingly  announced  that  “ one  of  the  villains  had 
felt  cold  steel.”  The  next  month  a New  England 
emigrant  named  Dow — obnoxious  to  the  Border 

63 


64  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

Ruffians  as  a pronounced  anti-slavery  man — was 
murdered  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lawrence.  The 
murderer  was  well  known,  but  was  protected  by 
the  authorities.  Branson,  Dow’s  friend  with  whom 
he  had  lived,  on  taking  home  the  victim’s  dead  body, 
was  arrested  by  Sheriff  Jones,  Missourian,  but  was 
rescued  by  friends  and  taken  to  Lawrence.  The 
householders,  summoned  by  drum  beat,  resolved  to 
stand  by  him,  and  a committee  was  immediately 
formed  for  the  defence  of  the  town  against  the  attack 
which  was  to  be  anticipated  from  the  representatives 
of  the  law.  This  act  provided  the  excuse  for 
declaring  Lawrence  in  armed  rebellion,  and  1500 
Missourians  speedily  assembled  to  invest  it.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Free  State  men  rallied  to  the 
defence  of  their  chief  town,  until  they  mustered  over 
500  strong.  They  were  formed  into  companies, 
drilled  regularly,  and  employed  night  and  day  in 
making  small  forts,  entrenchments  and  rifle  pits. 
The  women  entered  heroically  upon  the  enterprise, 
making  cartridges,  baking  bread,  and  preparing  for 
the  nursing  of  the  wounded.  A twelve-pound  brass 
howitzer  was  cleverly  smuggled  in  through  the 
besieger’s  lines,  adding  materially  to  the  strength 
of  the  defences. 

In  the  midst  of  these  proceedings  John  Brown 
arrived  with  four  of  his  sons,  armed  with  broad- 
swords and  revolvers.  Learning  the  position  of 
affairs,  Brown’s  voice  sounded  firmly  for  war.  To 
him  it  was  a holy  crusade,  and  he  had  a profound 
conviction  that  the  right  would  triumph.  But  for 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


65 


the  moment  milder  counsels  prevailed.  The 
Missourians,  seeing  what  a warm  reception  was  in 
store  for  them,  delayed  the  attack,  and  the  longer 
they  looked  at  it  the  less  they  liked  the  prospect. 
Their  courage  was  evaporating  with  their  whisky. 
Governor  Shannon  arrived,  and  the  Lawrence  men 
willingly  agreed  to  negotiation  rather  than  place 
themselves  in  active  hostility  to  the  authority  of  the 
United  States.  “ General  ” Lane,  who  commanded 
them,  summoned  a “ Council  of  War,”  which  Brown 
declined  to  attend,  saying,  “Tell  the  General,  when 
he  wants  me  to  fight,  to  say  so,  but  that  is  the  only 
order  I will  obey.”  The  result  of  the  negotiations 
was  that  the  Lawrence  men  agreed  not  to  resist  any 
legal  process  in  their  midst,  whilst  the  Governor 
condoned  any  offences  they  might  have  committed, 
and  recognised  their  volunteer  forces  as  militia  of 
the  State. 

But  the  peace  was  of  short  duration.  Fresh 
arrivals  from  the  Southern  States  roused  the 
Missourians  to  renewed  acts  of  violence.  A Mr 
Brown,  the  father  of  a family,  took  part  in  rescuing 
a man  from  a lynching  party.  For  this  he  was 
brutally  murdered,  the  drunken  furies  literally 
hacking  his  body  to  pieces  with  axes.  At  Atchison 
a clergyman,  who  admitted  in  private  conversation 
that  he  was  a Free-soiler,  was  tarred  and  feathered, 
and  sent  down  the  river  on  a raft,  Federal  office- 
holders looking  on  encouragingly.  In  spite  of  these 
dastardly  proceedings — many  more  of  which  will 
have  to  be  chronicled  before  the  story  ends — true 

E 


66  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


to  the  sickening  hypocrisy  of  their  tribe  the  world 
over,  they  assumed  an  air  of  injured  innocence,  and 
posed  as  suffering  martyrs.  “ Forbearance  has  now 
ceased  to  be  a virtue,”  said  their  organ,  the  Kickapoo 
Pioneer . “ Kansas  must  be  immediately  rescued 
from  the  tyrannical  dogs.  Pro-slavery  men,  law 
and  order  men,  strike  for  your  altars  ! Strike  for 
your  firesides  ! Strike  for  your  rights  ! ” 

In  the  Spring  Assizes  Chief  Justice  Lecompte 
laid  down  his  exposition  of  “ constructive  treason,” 
on  the  strength  of  which  writs  were  issued  for  the 
arrest  of  the  chief  Free  State  leaders,  who  were 
compelled  to  seek  safety  in  flight.  Dr  Robinson, 
who  had  been  elected  Governor,  was  arrested  on 
his  way  to  plead  their  cause  at  Washington,  and 
kept  in  confinement  for  months  without  trial.  Ex- 
Governor  Reeder  had  to  flee  in  disguise,  to  save 
his  life.  The  United  States  troops,  sent  to  keep 
the  peace,  were  used  by  Governor  Shannon  to  harry 
and  hunt  the  Free  State  men  only,  leaving  the 
Missourians  undisturbed.  In  April,  Sheriff  Jones — 
postmaster  of  a Missourian  town,  nearly  fifty  miles 
away  from  the  Kansas  County,  in  which  he  was 
supposed  to  reside — arrived  at  Lawrence  to  serve 
writs  on  several  prominent  inhabitants.  Unhappily, 
a young  fellow  of  hot  blood  shot  at  and  wounded 
him  as  he  sat  in  his  tent.  The  Lawrence  men  de- 
nounced and  disowned  the  act  immediately.  But 
it  was  too  good  a pretext  to  be  lost.  Another 
attack  on  Lawrence  was  rapidly  organised.  Under 
plea  of  serving  writs  the  U.  S.  marshal  entered 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


6 7 


the  town  at  the  head  of  800  armed  Missourians. 
His  proceedings  were  quietly  submitted  to 
by  the  townspeople.  Having  accomplished  his 
duty,  he  disbanded  his  men,  who  were  immedi- 
ately organised  as  Sheriff  Jones’s  posse,  and  under 
his  orders  proceeded  to  loot  the  town.  The  Free 
State  Hotel,  built  by  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society, 
was  the  first  object  of  attack,  being  battered  by 
cannon  and  then  burnt  to  the  ground.  The  offices 
of  the  two  Free  State  newspapers  were  next  visited  ! 
Their  machines  were  broken,  the  type  thrown  into 
the  river,  the  paper  destroyed  and  the  buildings 
wrecked. 

The  wife  of  the  editor  of  one  of  the  papers,  the 
Kansas  Tribune , wrote : “ They  tore  up  beds,  and 
ripped  them  open  to  find  arms.  They  smashed 
looking-glasses,  dishes,  furniture,  and  even  children’s 
toys ; ate  everything  they  could,  and  destroyed  the 
rest  of  the  provisions  ; broke  open  trunks  and  stole 
money  and  clothes  — Mr  Stowell  having  about 
6000  dollars  stolen  in  drafts  and  land  warrants. 
They  stole  watches,  chains,  and  all  the  ladies’ 
jewellery  and  silk  dresses  they  could  find.  The 
ruffians  entered  the  stores,  robbed  money 
drawers,  pulled  off  their  old  shabby  duds,  and 
dressed  themselves  in  the  best  they  could  find. 
David  Atchison,  late  Vice-President  of  our 
glorious  Republic,  took  two  boxes  of  cigars  from 
Brooks’s  store,  and  stole  some  shirts,  one  of  which 
the  owner  recognised  on  Atchison’s  back  the  next 
day.” 


68 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PRO  WN 


John  Doy  of  Lawrence,  who  published  his 
Narrative  in  New  York  in  i860,  gives  another 
account  of  proceedings  of  this  “ law  and  order  ” 
party.  The  night  of  the  sack  of  Lawrence,  he  says  : 
“ My  beautiful  brood  mares  and  other  animals 
were  stolen  by  the  invaders,  my  growing  corn  and 
wheat  trampled  down  and  ruined,  and  we  were 
left  without  the  means  to  cultivate  our  crops. 
On  the  next  day  twenty-eight  men  tied  their 
horses  to  my  fence,  came  to  the  house  and  asked 
me, — 

“ ‘ Are  you  from  the  East  ? ’ 

“ ‘ Yes ! ’ 

“‘Then  you’re  a d Abolitionist?’ 

“ ‘ Of  course.’ 

“ Without  more  words  they  cleaned  out  my  house 
of  everything  they  wanted.” 

One  night,  he  says,  they  saw  six  houses  burning 
in  their  immediate  neighbourhood,  and  continues  : 
“ Men  were  murdered,  women  and  girls  were  violated, 
and  the  invading  mob  treated  the  Free  State  people 
of  Kansas  as  if  they  were  conquered  slaves.”  Doy 
adds — in  this  expressing  the  feelings  of  his  co- 
patriots, anxious  as  they  were  for  peace  — “We 
would  not  consent  to  bring  up  our  children  in  a 
land  cursed  by  the  toil  of  slaves.  This  was  the 
only  condition  on  which  we  could  hope  for  peace. 
There  was  one  other  way,  however,  and  that  we 
determined  to  adopt.  We  could,  and  we  would, 
conquer  a place.  We  could  endure  the  present 
state  of  things  no  longer.  We  felt  that  they 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


69 


would  go  from  bad  to  worse,  and  we  swore  to 
treat  the  invaders  as  noxious  vermin ; we  would 
drive  them  out  or  die.  . . . We  made  oath  to 
stand  by  each  other  and  by  freedom  for  Kansas 
until  death.” 

But  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  whole  of  the 
Northern  settlers  were  actuated  by  the  same  de- 
termined spirit,  or  that  they  all  hated  slavery 
sufficiently  to  risk  their  lives  for  its  Abolition.  Many 
hated  the  blacks  as  competitors  in  the  labour  market, 
and  the  only  political  meeting  John  Brown  attended 
in  Kansas  was  one  called  for  the  purpose  of  declar- 
ing the  young  community  a “ Free  white  State,”  a de- 
cision which  would  have  permanently  excluded  the  free 
black  man,  as  well  as  the  slave.  Brown  surprised 
many  by  the  vigour  and  earnestness  with  which  he 
denounced  the  doctrine  of  placing  any  man  under 
civil  disabilities  because  of  the  colour  of  his  skin. 
He  boldly  asserted  the  manhood  and  equal  rights  of 
the  African  race. 

He  had  settled  with  his  sons  at  Pottawattomie,  and 
there  quickly  gathered  around  him  a knot  of  earnest 
anti-slavery  men,  who  looked  up  to  him  as  leader. 
The  district  thus  became  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the 
Missourians,  who — about  the  time  of  the  sack  of 
Lawrence — began  to  gather  threateningly  in  the 
neighbourhood.  Past  experience  warned  the  settlers 
that  these  indications  of  hostility  could  not  be  safely 
ignored.  To  ascertain  the  plans  of  his  enemies, 
Brown  adopted  a bold  expedient.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  early  in  his  career  he  had  studied 


7° 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOIIty  BROWN 


surveying.  His  knowledge  now  stood  him  in  good 
stead.  Accompanied  by  a few  daring  companions, 
he  set  out  on  a surveying  expedition,  carrying  his 
imaginary  lines  through  the  centre  of  his  enemies’ 
camps.  He  lingered  with  them  until  he  had  full 
information  of  their  designs.  Supposing  him  to  be 
a United  States  Government  surveyor,  and  therefore 
of  their  party,  they  freely  informed  him  of  all  they 
proposed  to  do.  There  was  an  old  red-hot 
Abolitionist,  they  told  him,  named  Brown,  at 
Pottawattomie,  who  was  a great  hindrance  to  the 
success  of  their  plans.  He  must  either  be  forced  to 
leave  the  country  with  his  sons,  or  disposed  of  in  a 
more  summary  fashion.  If  they  could  only  get  rid 
of  him  victory  for  their  cause  seemed  certain.  Some 
neighbours  of  his,  the  Doyles,  Wilkinson,  and  a 
Dutchman  named  Sherman  had  just  been  over  the 
border  and  arranged  for  an  overwhelming  force  to 
attack  the  Browns  and  their  friends,  and  drive  them 
out. 

With  this  news  Brown  hurried  back,  called  his 
friends  together,  and  laid  their  peril  before  them. 
They  knew  it  was  no  idle  boasting,  and  men  with 
their  lives  at  stake  have  to  find  desperate  remedies. 
It  was  determined  that  on  the  first  indications  of 
attack,  the  Doyles,  Wilkinson  and  Sherman  should 
be  seized  at  all  hazards,  tried  by  Lynch  Law,  and,  if 
need  be,  summarily  put  to  death.  It  was  a terrible 
decision. 

Four  days  after  the  sack  of  Lawrence  a Free  State 
man  was  brutally  assaulted  in  Sherman’s  store  by  the 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


7i 


Doyles  and  others.  Their  blood  once  up,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  Brown’s  house — he  was  away  at  the  time — 
and  offered  the  grossest  indignities  to  his  daughter 
and  daughter-in-law.  As  they  left  they  shouted  : 
“ Tell  your  men  that  if  they  don’t  leave  right  off,  we 
will  come  to-morrow  and  kill  them.”  It  was  likely 
enough.  Forewarned  was  to  be  forearmed.  The 
following  night  these  ruffians  were  taken  out  of  their 
houses,  tried  by  Lynch  Law,  and  put  to  death  on  the 
spot. 

Long  afterwards,  John  Brown,  junr.,  wrote: — “It 
has  never  been  asserted  by  me,  nor  by  anyone  else 
who  comprehended  the  situation  at  that  time,  that  the 
killing  of  those  men  at  Pottawattomie  was  wholly  on 
account  of  the  emergency  in  that  neighbourhood. 
That  blow  was  struck  for  Kansas  and  the  slave  ; and 
he  who  attempts  to  limit  its  object  to  a mere  settle- 
ment of  accounts  with  a few  pro-slavery  desperadoes 
on  that  creek  shows  himself  incapable  of  rendering  a 
just  judgment  in  the  case.” 

The  details  of  this  terrible  deed  are  still  somewhat 
shrouded  in  mystery,  and  the  exact  part  John  Brown 
took  in  it  has  long  been  matter  of  keen  dispute. 
One  recorder  says:  They  were  tried,  made  con- 

fession, allowed  time  to  pray,  and  then  slain  in  a 
second.”)  Without  doubt  the  deed  was  applauded 
both  at  the  time  and  subsequently  by  many  Free 
State  men  as  an  act  of  righteous  retribution.  And 
whilst,  on  the  one  hand,  men  suffering  from  intense 
provocation  and  a sense  of  bitter  wrong  and  extreme 
peril,  are  not  unbiassed  judges  in  their  own  cause, 


72 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


it  is,  on  the  other  hand,  difficult  for  those  who  sit  at 
peace  in  their  homes  to  realise  what  it  means  to  be  in 
the  position  of  having  to  take  another’s  life  or  lose 
your  own.  The  partisans  of  the  victims  charged 
Brown  with  the  act  and  loudly  vowed  vengeance. 
Webb  says,  though  apparently  on  doubtful  authority, 
that  “ Brown  was  at  Middle  Creek  that  night,  twenty- 
five  miles  away,  and  did  not  know  what  had  occurred 
till  next  day.”  Mr  R.  J.  Hinton,  for  a long  time 
special  correspondent  of  the  Boston  Traveller , in 
Kansas,  wrote  to  that  paper  that  Brown  was  not 
a “ participator  ” in  the  homicides.  On  the  other 
hand,  Mr  F.  B.  Sanborn,  after  carefully  sifting  all  the 
evidence  available — much  of  which  was  not  open  to 
Webb— decides  that  Brown’s  was  the  head  which 
devised,  although  not  the  hand  which  performed, 
what  Brown  regarded  as  a stern  act  of  justice,  in 
accomplishing  which  he  became  the  instrument  of 
Heaven.  And  Messrs  Nicolay  and  Hay  concur  in 
Sanborn’s  conclusions. 

Brown’s  motives  and  conduct  are  probably  best 
shown  in  a statement  published  in  the  Kansas 
Memorial  of  1879  by  E.  A.  Coleman,  an  old  Kansas 
settler,  since  confirmed  in  a letter  sent  by  him  to 
Sanborn  in  1885.  His  statement  is  as  follows: 
“John  Brown  frequently  visited  my  house  and  stayed 
with  me.  In  fact,  my  latch-string  was  always  out  for 
such  men.  John  Brown  knew  where  his  friends  lived 
and  could  go  to  them  night  or  day.  One  evening, 
not  long  before  the  fight  at  Ossawattomie,  we  ate 
supper  out  of  doors  in  the  shade  of  my  cabin  at  five 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


73 


o’clock.  As  soon  as  supper  was  over,  Captain  Brown 
commenced  pacing  back  and  forth  in  the  shade  of 
the  house.  My  wife  stood  by  the  dishes,  and  I sat 
in  my  chair.  I finally  said : ‘ Captain  Brown,  I 

want  to  ask  you  one  question,  and  you  can  answer  it 
or  not  as  you  please,  and  I shall  not  be  offended.’ 
He  stopped  his  pacing,  looked  me  square  in  the 
face,  and  said,  ‘ What  is  it  ? ’ Said  I,  ‘ Captain 
Brown,  did  you  kill  those  five  men  on  the  Potta- 
wattomie,  or  did  you  not  ? ’ He  replied,  ‘ I did  not, 
but  I do  not  pretend  to  say  they  were  not  killed 
by  my  order,  and  in  doing  so  I believe  I was 
doing  God’s  service.’  My  wife  spoke  and  said, 
‘ Then,  Captain,  you  think  that  God  uses  you  as  an 
instrument  in  His  hands  to  kill  men  ? ’ Brown 
replied,  ‘ I think  He  has  used  me  as  an  instrument 
to  kill  men,  and  if  I live  I think  He  will  use  me  as 
an  instrument  to  kill  a good  many  more.’  ” 

Coleman  added  in  his  letter  of  1885:  “The 
Browns  were  hunted  as  we  hunt  wolves  to-day; 
and  because  they  undertook  to  protect  themselves 
they  are  called  cold  - blooded  murderers,  merely 
because  they  ‘had  the  dare,’  and  were  contented 
to  live  and  die  as  God  intended  them  to.  Brown 
was  a Bible-man — he  believed  it  all;  and  though 
I am  not,  I give  him  credit  for  being  honest,  and 
the  most  consistent  so-called  Christian  I have  ever 
met.” 

John  Brown,  junr.,  said  : “ The  only  statement  that 
I ever  heard  my  father  make  in  regard  to  this 
was,  ‘ I did  not  myself  kill  any  of  those  men  at 


74 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


Pottawattomie,  but  I am  as  fully  responsible  as  if 
I did.’”  And  he  adds,  “ I have  yet  to  learn  of  any 
authentic  statement  made  by  him  touching  this 
matter  which  in  substance  differs  from  his  words 
as  I have  given  them.” 

At  the  time  the  responsibility  was  undoubtedly 
placed  at  Brown’s  door,  and  a body  of  men  set  out 
from  Westport,  Missouri,  under  Henry  Pate,  to 
capture  him  and  his  party.  Mr  Redpath  was  in 
Lawrence  when  these  troops  passed  through,  and 
learning  their  destination  he  hurried  on  to  warn 
Brown  of  his  danger.  Although  he  was  challenged 
and  delayed  by  the  troops,  and  had  his  horse  stolen 
at  night,  he  succeeded  in  getting  a message  delivered 
to  Brown  before  the  Missourians  could  reach  Potta- 
wattomie. 

He  thus  describes  the  state  of  the  country : 
“ I found  that,  in  this  region,  when  men  went  out 
to  plough  they  always  took  their  rifles  with  them 
and  tilled  in  companies  of  from  five  to  ten ; for 
whenever  they  attempted  to  perform  their  work 
separately,  the  Georgia  and  Alabama  bandits,  who 
were  constantly  hovering  about,  were  sure  to  make 
a sudden  descent  on  them  and  carry  off  their  horses 
and  oxen.  Every  man  went  armed  to  the  teeth. 
Guard  was  kept  both  night  and  day.  Whenever 
two  men  approached  each  other,  they  came  up 
pistol  in  hand,  and  the  first  salutation  invariably 
was, ‘Free  State  or  pro-slave?’  or  its  equivalent  in 
intent,  ‘ Whar  ye  from  ? ’ It  not  unfrequently  hap- 
pened that  the  next  sound  was  the  report  of  a pistol.” 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


75 


Brown  and  his  sons  were  now  practically  out- 
laws, and  they  took  to  the  woods,  leading  the  life 
of  David  and  his  Adullamites.  Their  homes  were 
plundered  and  burned,  and  their  cattle  driven  away. 
A few  of  the  braver,  not  to  say  fiercer,  spirits  threw 
in  their  lot  with  them,  and  they  speedily  became 
a terror  to  the  marauding  bands  from  over  the 
border.  Their  manner  of  life  cannot  be  better 
indicated  than  by  the  description  Redpath  gives  of 
his  first  meeting  with  them. 

“ The  creeks  of  Kansas  are  all  fringed  with  wood. 
I lost  my  way,  or  got  off  the  path  that  crosses  the 
creek  above  alluded  to,  when,  suddenly,  thirty  paces 
before  me,  I saw  a wild-looking  man  of  fine  pro- 
portions, with  half  a dozen  pistols  of  various  sizes 
stuck  in  his  belt  and  a large  Arkansas  bowie-knife 
prominent  among  them.  His  head  was  uncovered  ; 
his  hair  was  uncombed ; his  face  had  not  been 
shaved  for  many  months.  We  were  similarly 
dressed  — with  red  - topped  boots  worn  over  the 
pantaloons,  a coarse  blue  shirt  and  a pistol-belt. 
This  was  the  usual  fashion  of  the  times.  ‘ Hullo  ! ’ 
he  cried,  ‘ you’re  in  our  camp ! ’ He  had  nothing 
in  his  right  hand  — he  carried  a water-pail  in  his 
left ; but  before  he  could  speak  again  I had  drawn 
and  cocked  my  eight-inch  Colt. 

“ I only  answered  in  emphatic  tones,  ‘ Halt ! or 
I’ll  fire!’ 

“ He  stopped  and  said  he  knew  me ; that  he  had 
seen  me  in  Lawrence,  and  that  I was  true ; that  he 
was  Frederick  Brown,  the  son  of  old  John  Brown; 


76  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


and  that  I was  now  within  the  limits  of  their  camp. 
After  a parley  of  a few  minutes  I was  satisfied  that 
I was  among  friends,  put  up  my  pistol  and  shook 
hands  with  Frederick. 

“ He  talked  wildly  as  he  walked  before  me, 
turning  round  every  minute  as  he  spoke  of  the 
then  recent  affair  of  Pottawattomie.  His  family, 
he  said,  had  been  accused  of  it ; he  denied  it 
indignantly,  with  the  wild  air  of  a maniac.  His 
excitement  was  so  great  that  he  repeatedly  re-crossed 
the  creek,  until,  getting  anxious  to  reach  the  camp, 
I refused  to  listen  to  him  till  he  took  me  to  his 
father.  He  then  quietly  filled  his  pail  with  water, 
and,  after  many  strange  turnings,  led  me  into 
camp.  As  we  approached  it  we  were  twice 
challenged  by  sentries  who  suddenly  appeared 
before  trees,  and  as  suddenly  disappeared  behind 
them. 

“ I shall  not  soon  forget  the  scene  that  here 
opened  to  my  view.  Near  the  edge  of  the  creek 
a dozen  horses  were  tied,  all  ready  saddled  for  a 
ride  for  life,  or  a hunt  after  Southern  invaders.  A 
dozen  rifles  and  sabres  were  stacked  against  the 
trees.  In  an  open  space,  amid  the  shady  and 
lofty  woods,  there  was  a great  blazing  fire  with  a 
pot  on  it ; a woman,  bare-headed,  with  an  honest 
sunburnt  face,  was  picking  blackberries  from  the 
bushes ; three  or  four  armed  men  were  lying  on 
red  and  blue  blankets  on  the  grass ; and  two  fine- 
looking  youths  were  standing,  leaning  on  their  arms, 
on  guard  near  by. 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


77 


“ One  of  them  was  the  youngest  son  of  old  Brown, 
and  the  other  was  1 Charley,’  the  brave  Hungarian 
who  was  subsequently  murdered  at  Ossawattomie. 
Old  Brown  himself  stood  near  the  fire,  with  his  shirt 
sleeves  rolled  up  and  a large  piece  of  pork  in  his 
hand.  He  was  cooking  a pig.  He  was  poorly  clad, 
and  his  toes  protruded  from  his  boots.  The  old  man 
received  me  with  great  cordiality,  and  the  little  band 
gathered  about  me.  But  it  was  for  a moment  only, 
for  the  Captain  ordered  them  to  renew  their  work. 
He  respectfully  but  firmly  forbade  conversation  on 
the  Pottawattomie  affair ; and  said  that  if  I desired 
any  information  from  the  company  in  relation  to  their 
conduct  or  intentions,  he,  as  their  captain,  would 
answer  for  them  whatever  was  proper  to  communicate. 

“ In  this  camp  no  manner  of  profane  language  was 
permitted  ; no  man  of  immoral  character  was  allowed 
to  stay,  except  as  a prisoner  of  war.  He  made 
prayers,  in  which  all  the  company  united,  every 
morning  and  evening ; and  no  food  was  ever  tasted 
by  his  men  until  the  Divine  blessing  had  been  asked 
on  it.  After  every  meal  thanks  was  returned  to  the 
Bountiful  Giver.  Often,  I was  told,  the  old  man 
would  retire  to  the  densest  solitudes,  to  wrestle  with 
God  in  his  secret  prayer.  One  of  his  company  sub- 
sequently informed  me  that,  after  these  retirings,  he 
would  say  that  the  Lord  had  directed  him  in  visions 
what  to  do ; that,  for  himself,  he  did  not  love  warfare, 
but  peace — only  acting  in  obedience  to  the  will  of 
the  Lord,  and  fighting  God’s  battles  for  His  children’s 
sake. 


78  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


“ It  was  at  this  time  that  the  old  man  said  to  me: 
‘ I would  rather  have  the  smallpox,  yellow  fever  and 
cholera  all  together  in  my  camp,  than  a man  without 
principles.  It’s  a mistake,  sir,’  he  continued,  ‘ that 
our  people  make,  when  they  think  that  bullies  are  the 
best  fighters,  or  that  they  are  the  men  fit  to  oppose 
these  Southerners.  Give  me  men  of  good  principles, 
God-fearing  men,  who  respect  themselves,  and  with  a 
dozen  of  them  I will  oppose  any  hundred  such  men 
as  those  Buford  ruffians.’  * 

“ I remained  in  the  camp  about  an  hour.  Never 
before  had  I met  such  a band  of  men.  They  were 
not  earnest,  but  earnestness  incarnate.  Six  of  them 
were  John  Brown’s  sons.” 


A short  time  after  this,  Brown’s  two  sons,  John  and 
Jason,  whilst  cultivating  their  desolated  farmsteads, 
were  taken  prisoners  by  Pate  and  a party  of  Mis- 
sourians. They  were  charged  with  murder — a charge 
on  which  they  were  never  brought  to  trial — put  in 
irons,  and  treated  with  the  greatest  barbarity  and 
cruelty.  After  being  joined  by  Captain  Wood’s 
company  of  United  States  dragoons,  Pate  burned 
several  houses  of  Free  State  men,  including  the  house 
and  library  of  John  Brown,  junr.  The  two  brothers, 
handed  over  to  the  dragoons,  were  driven  like  cattle 
before  the  soldiers  for  twenty-five  miles,  and  subjected 

* Cf.  Cromwell’s  statement  to  the  second  Protectorate  Parliament : 
— “I  raised  such  men  as  had  the  fear  of  God  before  them,  as  made 
some  conscience  of  what  they  did.” — Carlyle’s  Cromwell.  Vol.  V. 
P-  13- 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


79 


to  constant  indignities,  until  John’s  reason  gave  way 
and  he  became  a raving  maniac.  Another  day,  with 
their  hands  tied  tightly  behind  them,  so  tightly  that 
the  cords  cut  into  the  flesh,  they  were  driven  thirty 
miles,  with  no  food  from  morning  to  night.  Jason 
obtained  his  freedom  at  the  end  of  a month,  but  John 
was  detained  for  four  months,  without  the  semblance 
of  a trial. 

It  was  on  30th  May  that  Brown’s  two  sons  were 
captured.  The  next  day  Pate  separated  from  the 
dragoons  and  pursued  his  career  of  plunder.  On 
2nd  June  Brown,  who  had  been  eagerly  searching  for 
his  sons,  heard  that  Pate  was  encamped  at  Black 
Jack,  four  or  five  miles  away.  Brown  had  but  nine 
men  of  his  own  party  with  him  at  the  time,  but  when 
Shore  joined  him  with  nineteen  mounted  men,  he  re- 
solved to  attack  at  once.  The  Missourians,  sixty 
strong,  had  a good  defensive  position,  with  a line  of 
waggons  in  front,  and  protected  by  a ravine  in  the 
rear. 

Brown  disposed  his  men  over  as  much  ground  as 
possible,  in  sheltered  positions.  For  a long  time  they 
appeared  to  make  no  impression  upon  the  enemy. 
But  by-and-by  as  man  after  man  fell  wounded,  first 
one  and  then  another  of  Pate’s  men  glided  down  the 
ravine  until  they  were  out  of  range,  when  they 
mounted  their  horses  and  rode  away.  After  three 
hours  Pate’s  courage  failed  and  he  sent  out  a flag  of 
truce.  Brown  summoned  Pate  himself,  declining  to 
treat  with  any  other.  Redpath  says,  Pate  began  in- 
forming Brown  that  he  was  an  officer  under  the  U.  S. 


80  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

marshal,  and  that  he  did  not  suppose  they  would 
continue  to  fight  him  when  they  knew  that  fact. 

Brown  stopped  him  with, — 

“ Captain,  I understand  exactly  what  you  are,  and 
do  not  want  to  hear  more  about  it.  Have  you  any 
proposition  to  make  to  me  ? ” 

“Well,  no  ; that  is — ” 

“Very  well,  Captain,”  interrupted  Brown,  “ I have 
one  to  make  to  you  — your  unconditional  sur- 
render.” 

Twenty-one  men,  in  addition  to  the  wounded,  sur- 
rendered to  Brown’s  party,  of  whom  only  nine  were 
then  in  sight.  Much  stolen  property  was  found,  arms, 
horses,  mules,  store-goods,  all  taken  from  Free  State 
men,  besides  waggons,  ammunition  and  camp 
equipages  of  a much  better  quality  than  Brown’s 
men  were  able  to  obtain.  No  one  was  killed  during 
the  skirmish,  and  only  three  of  Brown’s  party  were 
wounded,  one  being  his  son-in-law,  Henry  Thompson. 
The  wounded  Missourians  were  carefully  tended,  and 
after  a serious  admonition  for  their  future  better 
behaviour  were  sent  home. 

In  spite  of  Pate’s  cruelty  to  John  and  Jason  Brown 
only  a few  days  previously,  he  was  well  treated,  and 
after  a brief  detention  was  handed  over,  with  all  the 
spoils,  to  Colonel  Sumner  of  the  U.  S.  army,  who, 
acting  under  the  proclamation  of  Governor  Shannon, 
was  dispersing  all  military  organisations  “without 
regard  to  party,  names,  or  distinctions.”  But  the 
Colonel  proved  too  rigidly  impartial  to  please  the 
Missourians.  He  dispersed  their  bands,  and  placed 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


bodies  of  troops  along  the  borders  to  prevent  further 
incursions.  “ The  Missourians  were  perfectly  satis- 
fied,” he  wrote,  “ so  long  as  the  troops  were  employed 
against  the  Free  State  party ; but  when  they  found 
that  I would  be  strictly  impartial,  that  lawless  mobs 
could  no  longer  come  from  Missouri,  and  that  their 
interference  with  the  affairs  of  Kansas  was  brought  to 
an  end,  then  they  immediately  raised  a hue  and  cry 
that  they  were  oppressed  by  the  U.  S.  troops.” 
Their  complaints  had  the  usual  effect  upon  President 
Pierce.  Colonel  Sumner  was  superseded,  and 
Governor  Shannon  was  removed  a few  weeks 
afterwards.  This  left  Secretary  Woodson  Acting- 
Governor,  a willing  tool  in  the  hands  of  the  con- 
spirators, who  began  again  unchecked  their  career 
of  plunder. 

On  7th  June  Brown’s  little  town  of  Ossawattomie 
was  sacked  by  170  Missourians.  The  local  accounts 
tell  of  frightful  barbarities.  Bodies  of  murdered 
men  were  left  hanging  in  trees,  or  lying  rotting 
on  the  prairies,  a prey  to  wolves.  Next  month, 
when  the  Eastern  States  were  celebrating  the 
establishment  of  their  “ glorious  Republic,”  the  Free 
State  Legislature  at  Topeka  was  broken  up  by  U.  S. 
troops,  and  the  slavery  party  seemed  to  have  gained 
finally  the  ascendency. 

As  Redpath  puts  it : “ This  was  the  culmination 
of  Southern  success.  The  Missouri  River  was  now 
closed  against  Northern  immigration,  the  roads  were 
literally  strewed  with  dead  bodies  ; the  entire  Free 
State  population  of  Leavenworth  had  been  driven 

F 


82 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


from  their  homes ; almost  every  part  of  Kansas  was  in 
the  power  of  the  invaders  ; the  army  and  the  Govern- 
ment, Federal  and  Territorial,  the  bench  and  the 
jury  box,  were  in  the  hands  of  the  oppressor,  and 
our  State  organisation  had  been  destroyed  by  the 
dragoons.” 

But  the  old  Puritan  spirit  is  not  easily  crushed. 
The  Free  State  men  rose  with  desperate  courage  to 
meet  the  dangers  threatening  to  overwhelm  them, 
and  with  as  patriotic  a motive  as  ever  actuated  a 
body  of  men  fighting  for  freedom,  they  resolved  to 
continue  the  unequal  struggle.  In  two  directions 
there  soon  appeared  rifts  in  the  dark  clouds.  At 
Topeka  800  men  rallied  together  under  Aaron  D. 
Stevens — afterwards  closely  associated  with  John 
Brown — and  help  was  slowly  approaching  from 
another  quarter.  “General”  James  Lane — at  a later 
period  Senator  for  Kansas — had  collected  a small 
army  and  was  coming  to  the  relief  of  the  hard-pressed 
Free-soilers.  Brown,  after  conducting  his  wounded 
son-in-law  to  safety  in  Iowa,  joined  Lane,  and  took 
command  of  a small  company  of  mounted  men. 
Fresh  atrocities  committed  by  the  Missourians 
inflamed  passion  still  more,  and  forced  even  the 
hesitating  to  take  up  arms  against  them.  Major 
Hoyt  was  mutilated,  a Mr  Hopps  was  scalped,  and  a 
lady  outraged.  None  was  safe  who  would  not  declare 
outright  for  slavery.  Brown  moved  towards  Rock 
Creek  to  capture  the  murderers  of  Major  Hoyt,  and 
fell  upon  a camp  of  160  invaders.  The  united  com- 
panies of  Brown,  Shore  and  “ Preacher  Steward  ” — 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


33 


“the  fighting  preacher”  as  he  was  called — numbered 
only  sixty  men.  A surprise  attack  instantly  delivered 
defeated  the  marauders  in  a few  minutes,  the  victors 
killing  two  men,  capturing  thirteen  others,  and  secur- 
ing twenty-nine  horses,  three  waggon-loads  of  pro- 
visions, and  100  stand  of  arms.  The  stories  carried 
over  the  border  by  the  defeated  men  roused  the  anger 
of  the  Missourians  still  further,  and  2000  men  quickly 
assembled  to  crush  the  Free  men  once  for  all. 
This  was  the  third  organised  military  invasion  of 
Kansas. 

They  divided  into  two  companies,  one  being  led 
by  Senator  Atchison,  the  other  by  “ General  ” Reid. 
Atchison  and  his  men  fled  precipitately  on  the 
approach  of  Lane,  whilst  Reid  marched  straight  on 
Ossawattomie,  the  head  centre  of  the  hated  Brown, 
who  was  there  waiting  to  receive  him.  We  cannot 
do  better  than  describe  what  followed  in  his  own 
modest  words,  just  premising  that  the  enemy  was 
about  500  strong,  was  armed  with  U.  S.  muskets, 
bayonets  and  revolvers,  and  had  several  pieces  of 
cannon. 

“Early  in  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  August, 
the  enemy’s  scouts  approached  to  within  a mile 
and  a half  of  the  western  boundary  of  the 
town  of  Ossawattomie.  At  this  place  my  son 
Frederick,  who  was  not  attached  to  my  force, 
had  lodged  with  some  four  other  young  men  from 
Lawrence,  and  a young  man  named  Garrison  from 
Middle  Creek. 


84  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

“ The  scouts,  led  by  a pro-slavery  preacher  named 
White,  shot  my  son  dead  in  the  road,  whilst  he, 
as  I have  since  ascertained,  supposed  them  to  be 
friendly.  At  the  same  time  they  butchered  Mr 
Garrison,  and  badly  mangled  one  of  the  young 
men  from  Lawrence  who  came  with  my  son,  leaving 
him  for  dead. 

“ This  was  not  far  from  sunrise.  I had  stopped 
during  the  night  about  two  and  a half  miles  from 
them,  and  nearly  one  mile  from  Ossawattomie.  I 
had  no  organised  force,  but  only  some  twelve  or 
fifteen  new  recruits,  who  were  ordered  to  leave 
their  preparations  for  breakfast  and  follow  me 
into  the  town  as  soon  as  this  news  was  brought 
to  me. 

“As  I had  no  means  of  learning  correctly  the  force 
of  the  enemy,  I placed  twelve  of  the  recruits  in  a 
log-house,  hoping  we  might  be  able  to  defend  the 
town.  I then  gathered  some  fifteen  more  men 
together,  whom  we  armed  with  guns,  and  we  started 
in  the  direction  of  the  enemy.  After  going  a few 
rods,  we  could  see  them  approaching  the  town  in  line 
of  battle,  about  half  a mile  off,  upon  a hill  west  of 
the  village.  I then  gave  up  all  idea  of  doing  more 
than  to  annoy,  from  the  timber  near  the  town,  into 
which  we  all  retreated,  and  which  was  filled 
with  a thick  growth  of  underbush,  but  had  no  time 
to  recall  the  twelve  men  in  the  log-house,  so  lost 
their  assistance  in  the  fight. 

“At  the  point  above  named  I met  with  Captain 
Clive,  a very  active  young  man,  who  had  with  him 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


85 


some  twelve  or  fifteen  mounted  men,  and  persuaded 
him  to  go  with  us  into  the  timber  on  the  southern 
side  of  the  Osage,  or  Marais  des  Cygnes,  a little 
to  the  north-west  from  the  village.  Here  the  men, 
numbering  not  more  than  thirty  in  all,  were  directed 
to  scatter  and  secrete  themselves  as  well  as  they  could, 
and  await  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  This  was 
done  in  full  view  of  them,  who  must  have  seen  the 
whole  movement,  and  had  to  be  done  in  the  utmost 
haste.  I believe  Captain  Clive  and  some  of  his 
men  were  not  even  dismounted  in  the  fight,  but 
cannot  assert  positively.  When  the  left  wing  of  the 
enemy  had  approached  to  within  common  rifle  shot 
we  commenced  firing,  and  very  soon  threw  the 
northern  branch  of  the  enemy’s  line  into  dis- 
order. This  continued  some  fifteen  or  twenty 
minutes,  which  gave  us  an  uncommon  opportunity 
to  annoy  them.  Captain  Clive  and  his  men 
soon  got  out  of  ammunition  and  retired  across 
the  river. 

“ After  the  enemy  rallied,  we  kept  up  our  fire ; 
until,  by  the  leaving  of  one  and  another,  we  had 
but  six  or  seven  left.  We  then  retired  across  the 
river. 

“We  had  one  man  killed — a Mr  Powers,  from 
Captain  Clive’s  company — in  the  fight.  One  of  my 
men,  a Mr  Partridge,  was  shot  in  crossing  the  river. 
Two  or  three  of  the  party  who  took  part  in  the 
fight  are  yet  missing,  and  may  be  lost  or  taken 
prisoners.  Two  were  wounded,  viz.,  Dr  Updegraff 
and  a Mr  Collis. 


86 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


“ I cannot  speak  in  too  high  terms  of  them,  and 
of  many  others  I have  not  now  time  to  mention. 

“ One  of  my  best  men,  together  with  myself,  was 
struck  with  a partially-spent  ball  from  the  enemy 
in  the  commencement  of  the  fight,  but  we  were  only 
bruised.  . . . The  loss  of  the  enemy,  as  we  learn 
by  the  different  statements  of  our  own  as  well  as 
their  people,  was  some  thirty-one  or  two  killed,  and 
from  forty  to  fifty  wounded.  After  burning  the 
town  to  ashes,  and  killing  a Mr  Williams  they  had 
taken,  whom  neither  party  claimed,  they  took  a 
hasty  leave,  carrying  their  dead  and  wounded  with 
them.  They  did  not  attempt  to  cross  the  river,  nor 
to  search  for  us,  and  have  not  since  returned  to  look 
over  their  work. 

“ I give  this  in  great  haste,  in  the  midst  of  constant 
interruptions.  My  second  son  was  with  me  in  the 
fight,  and  escaped  unharmed.  This  I mention  for 
the  benefit  of  his  friends. 

“ Old  Preacher  White,  I hear,  boasts  of  having 
killed  my  son.  Of  course  he  is  a lion. 

“John  Brown. 

“Lawrence,  Kansas,  7th  September  1856.” 

From  this  time  he  was  known  as  “ Ossawattomie 
Brown.”  * 

The  Missourians  boasted  they  had  achieved  a 

* A marble  monument  was  erected  at  Ossawattomie  in  1877,  bearing 
this  record  : “This  inscription  is  also  in  commemoration  of  the  heroism 
of  Captain  John  Brown,  who  commanded  at  the  battle  of  Ossawattomie, 
30th  August  1856,  who  died  and  conquered  American  slavery  at 
Charlestown,  Va.,  2nd  December  1859. 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


87 


great  victory.  But  three  large  waggons  loaded  with 
dead  and  wounded  as  the  result  of  their  exploits  con- 
siderably damped  their  martial  ardour,  and  Brown’s 
name  carried  with  it  an  additional  terror  among 
men  who  were  thirsting  for  his  blood.  Determined 
as  he  was  in  the  fight,  the  tender  humanity  of  the 
man  was  never  obliterated,  and  it  comes  as  a ray  of 
sunshine  after  a terrible  storm  to  learn  that  out  of 
his  poverty  he  carefully  supported  the  widow  of  a 
pro-slavery  man  who  was  killed  during  the  pro- 
ceedings, until  her  friends  came  to  take  her 
away. 

Jason,  his  second  son,  relates  in  a letter  a similar 
experience.  The  only  incident  which  gave  him  any 
real  satisfaction  was,  he  says,  attending  to  a wounded 
Southerner. 

“As  I was  sitting  by  his  bed,  and  saw  the  tears 
flowing  from  a heart  full  of  sorrow  and  trouble,  alone 
among  strangers  and  far  from  home,  I thought  this : 
! If  these  are  some  of  the  things  which  make  war 
glorious  and  honourable,  deliver  me  from  the  honours 
of  war!  ’ In  a moment  more  I was  suddenly  called 
away  to  defend  my  own  life,  and  probably  to  do 
more  of  such  work.  I would  rather  have  had  the 
real  good  it  did  me  then,  to  care  as  best  I could  for 
a few  hours  for  a misguided,  dying  enemy,  than  to 
have  all  the  glory  ever  gained  by  the  proudest  and 
most  successful  warrior  that  ever  shook  the  earth 
with  the  thunder  of  his  guns  and  the  tread  of  his 
mighty  armies.” 


88 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


Meanwhile  a new  Governor  was  daily  expected. 
The  Presidential  election  of  1856  being  near  at  hand, 
President  Pierce  had  felt  himself  unable  to  accede 
to  the  wishes  of  his  pro-slavery  friends  and  appoint 
Secretary  Woodson  Governor.  So  flagrant  a partisan 
job  might  be  injurious  to  the  prospects  of  his  party, 
and  what  he  would  not  do  for  justice  he  did  for  love 
of  office.  Therefore  John  W.  Geary  was  appointed, 
a man  of  character,  capacity  and  experience,  of 
too  independent  a spirit  to  be  the  cat’s-paw  of  any 
faction.  Quickly  ascertaining  the  mettle  of  the  man 
they  had  to  deal  with,  the  Missourians  denounced 
him  before  his  arrival.  In  one  of  their  inflammatory 
appeals  they  said,  after  describing  the  kind  of  man 
they  wanted  : “ In  his  stead  we  have  one  appointed 
who  is  ignorant  of  our  condition,  a stranger  to  our 
people ; who,  we  have  too  much  cause  to  fear,  will, 
if  no  worse,  prove  no  more  efficient  to  protect  us 
than  his  predecessors.  . . . We  cannot  await  the 
convenience  in  coming  of  our  newly  - appointed 
governor.  We  cannot  hazard  a second  edition  of 
imbecility  or  corruption.”  * 

This  appointment  supplied  a powerful  reason  why 
they  should  settle  the  question  before  his  arrival. 
Therefore,  with  a pertinacity  worthy  of  a better 
cause,  they  proceeded  at  once  to  attempt  it. 

On  Sunday  afternoon,  14th  September,  word  was 
brought  to  Lawrence  that  both  Atchison  and  Reid 
were  approaching  to  attack  the  town  with  a large 
force.  Smoking  homesteads  soon  pointed  out  the 

* Quoted  by  Nicolay  and  Hay. 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


89 


advance  of  the  invaders.  Two  hundred  men  were 
all  that  could  be  mustered  for  the  defence,  whilst  the 
enemy  numbered  ten  times  as  many.  Brown  was  in 
Lawrence,  and  was  unanimously  elected  commander. 
Mounted  on  a packing  case  in  front  of  the  post-office, 
he  addressed  the  townspeople  as  follows  : — 

“Gentlemen,  it  is  said  there  are  2500 
Missourians  down  at  Franklin,  and  that  they 
will  be  here  in  two  hours.  You  can  see  for  your- 
selves the  smoke  they  are  making  by  setting 
fire  to  the  houses  in  that  town.  This  is  probably 
the  last  opportunity  you  will  have  of  seeing  a 

fight,  so  that  you  had  better  do  your  best.  If 

they  should  come  up  and  attack  us,  don’t  yell 
and  make  a great  noise,  but  remain  perfectly 
silent  and  still.  Wait  till  they  get  within  twenty- 
five  yards  of  you;  get  a good  object,  be  sure  you 

see  the  hind  sight  of  your  gun,  then  fire.  A 

great  deal  of  powder  and  lead  and  very  precious 
time  is  wasted  by  shooting  too  high.  You  had 
better  aim  at  their  legs  than  at  their  heads.  In 
either  case,  be  sure  of  the  hind  sight  of  your  gun. 
It  is  from  this  reason  that  I myself  have  so 
many  times  escaped ; for  if  all  the  bullets  which 
have  ever  been  aimed  at  me  had  hit  me,  I would 
have  been  as  full  of  holes  as  a riddle.” 

Posting  his  men  behind  some  breastworks,  and 
in  one  or  two  half-finished  churches,  Brown  pre- 
pared to  receive  the  enemy.  About  five  o’clock 
the  advance  guard  of  400  horsemen  appeared 
in  sight  of  the  town,  about  two  miles 


90  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

to  the  south,  where  they  halted.  Brown  at  once 
ordered  out  the  hundred  men  armed  with  rifles 
and  marched  half  a mile  into  the  prairie,  placing 
his  men  about  three  paces  apart.  Later  he  moved 
them  to  a small  piece  of  rising  ground  to  the 
left,  where  he  ordered  them  to  lie  down.  The 
Missourians  faced  towards  him,  and  in  a short 
time  the  opposing  parties  were  only  separated 
by  a ten  - acre  field  of  Indian  corn.  Firing 
commenced  in  earnest,  but  had  not  long  con- 
tinued before  a panic  seized  the  Missourians,  and 
they  fled. 

“ That  night,”  wrote  one  who  was  present,  “ T. 
and  I took  our  blankets,  and  lay  down  im- 
mediately within  the  breastwork,  with  a stone 
for  our  pillow  and  the  clouds  for  a covering.  We 
had  been  here  for  a few  minutes  only  when 
Captain  Brown  came  along,  and  said,  ‘ With  your 
permission  I will  be  the  third  one  to  aid  in 

defending  this  fortification  to-night.’  He  then 
lay  down  by  our  side,  and  told  us  of  the  trials 

and  wars  he  had  passed  through ; that  he  had 

settled  in  Kansas  with  a large  family,  having 

with  him  six  full-grown  sons ; that  he  had  taken 
a claim  in  Lykins  County,  and  was  attending 
peacefully  to  the  duties  of  husbandry  when  the 
hordes  came  over  from  Missouri,  took  possession 
of  the  ballot  boxes,  destroyed  his  corn,  stole  his 
horses,  shot  down  his  cattle,  sheep  and  hogs, 
and  repeatedly  threatened  to  shoot,  hang  or 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


9i 


burn  him  if  he  did  not  leave  the  Territory;  that 
many  times  they  endeavoured  to  put  their  threats 
in  force,  but  were  as  often  prevented  by  the 
eternal  vigilance  which  he  found  to  be  the  price 
of  safety  to  himself  and  his  family ; that  they 
afterwards  did  kill  and  murder  one  of  his  sons 
in  cold  blood,  in  his  own  hearing,  and  almost  in 
his  own  sight ; and  all  because  he  hated  slavery ! 
He  told  me  that  he  held  that  promising  son  in 
his  arms  as  he  drew  his  last  breath,  and  thought 
of  the  resemblance  he  bore  to  his  mother.” 

The  morning  dawned  to  find  Lawrence  free  once 
more  from  its  enemies,  they  having  retired  to  a 
safe  distance  during  the  night. 

Governor  Geary,  hearing  at  Lecompton  of  the 
attack  on  Lawrence,  hastened  there  with  three 
hundred  U.  S.  dragoons,  and  a battery  of  light 
artillery.  Placing  his  troops  between  the  con- 
tending parties,  he  went  first  to  the  Missourian 
camp,  and  by  a mixture  of  entreaty  and  warning 
— backed  by  the  significant  statement  of  Colonel 
Cook  that  it  would  be  his  duty  to  support  the 
Governor  “at  the  cannon’s  mouth” — he  persuaded 
Atchison  and  his  men  to  be  mustered  out  and 
to  return  to  their  homes.  By  this  prompt  and 
decisive  action  Governor  Geary  brought  the  pro- 
longed guerrilla  warfare  to  an  end — for  the  time — 
and  by  the  close  of  September  was  able  to  report 
to  Washington  “peace  now  reigns  in  Kansas.” 

But  he  soon  found  his  zeal  was  too  great  to  be 


92  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PRO  WN 

welcome  at  Washington.  He  failed  to  serve  the 
partisan  interest  best  loved  of  those  who  had 
charge  of  the  central  Government.  In  November 
1856  Buchanan  was  elected  President,  a new  lease 
of  life  and  power  was  before  the  Democrats,  and 
Geary  no  longer  served  their  purpose.  Within 
six  months  of  his  appointment,  although  he  had 
restored  peace  to  a bleeding  community,  and  had 
begun  to  enforce  law  where  lawlessness  had  so 
long  prevailed,  he,  to  quote  Nicolay  and  Hay,  “ the 
third  Democratic  Governor  of  Kansas  was,  like 
his  predecessors,  in  secret  and  ignoble  flight  from 
the  province  he  had  so  trustfully  come  to  rule, 
contemned  and  execrated  by  his  party  associates, 
abandoned  and  disgraced  by  the  administration 
which  had  appointed  him,  and  without  protection 
to  guard  him  from  the  assault  of  the  highwayman 
or  assassin.” 

In  a “Farewell  address  to  the  people  of  Kansas,” 
dated  12th  March  1857,  the  retiring  Governor 
wrote : “ I reached  Kansas,  and  entered  upon 

the  discharge  of  my  official  duties  in  the  most 
gloomy  hour  of  her  history.  Desolation  and  ruin 
reigned  on  every  hand  ; homes  and  firesides  were 
deserted  ; the  smoke  of  burning  dwellings  darkened 
the  atmosphere ; women  and  children,  driven  from 
their  habitations,  wandered  over  the  prairies  and 
among  the  woodlands,  or  sought  refuge  and  pro- 
tection even  among  the  Indian  tribes.  The 
highways  were  infested  with  numerous  predatory 
bands,  and  the  towns  were  fortified  and  garrisoned 


KANSAS  BORDER  WARS 


93 


by  armies  of  conflicting  partisans,  each  excited 
almost  to  frenzy,  and  determined  upon  mutual 
extermination.  Such  was,  without  exaggeration, 
the  condition  of  the  Territory  at  this  period.” 

A Commission  appointed  three  years  later  to 
take  evidence  on  oath  of  the  effects  of  these 
wars  in  Kansas  reported  as  follows  : — “ Amount  of 
crops  destroyed,  37,349  dollars  ; number  of  buildings 
burned  and  destroyed,  seventy-eight ; horses  taken 
or  destroyed,  368;  cattle  taken  or  destroyed,  533. 
Amount  of  property  owned  by  pro-slavery  men, 
77,198  dollars  ; property  owned  by  Free  State  men, 
335,779  dollars;  property  taken  or  destroyed  by  pro- 
slavery men,  318,718  dollars;  property  taken  or  de- 
stroyed by  Free  State  men,  94,529  dollars.”  On  the 
loss  of  life  they  reported  that  it  “ probably  exceeded 
rather  than  fell  short  of  200.”  They  estimated 
that  the  entire  loss  and  destruction  of  property, 
including  the  fitting  out  of  the  various  expedi- 
tions, amounted  to  not  less  than  2,000,000  dollars. 
Fully  one  half  of  this  loss  was  borne  by  the  actual 
settlers  in  Kansas.  “ But  the  half  of  what  was 
done  by  either  party  was  never  chronicled.” 

Early  in  October,  Brown,  worn  out  with  his 
heavy  labours  and  privations,  left  Kansas  for  a 
period  of  rest,  but  with  a view  also  of  securing 
financial  help  from  friends  in  the  East  for  the 
more  successful  prosecution  of  the  crusade.  He 
further  hoped  to  obtain  the  assistance  of  some 
skilled  men  to  act  as  leaders  of  the  Free- 
soilers.  Narrowly  escaping  capture  by  a band 


94 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


of  soldiers  who  were  seeking  to  arrest  him,  he 
passed  through  Nebraska  and  returned  to  the 
East.  His  last  act  on  quitting  Kansas  was  to 
hide  an  escaped  slave  in  his  waggon,  and  assist 
him  to  freedom. 


CHAPTER  VII 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA 

After  resting  with  his  sons  for  several  weeks  at 
Tabor,  Iowa,  our  hero  undertook  a series  of  journeys 
through  the  Eastern  States,  attempting  to  rouse 
the  people  to  a sense  of  the  gigantic  importance 
of  the  slavery  struggle,  and  asking  for  money  to 
conduct  active  operations  in  Kansas. 

How  or  when  his  actual  decision  was  taken 
to  attack  Harper’s  Ferry  it  is  practically  impossible 
to  say.  There  are  indications  that  it  was  frequently 
before  his  mind  this  year,  as  a possible  eventuality. 
Therefore  some  have  suggested  that  he  obtained 
money  under  false  pretences,  saying  publicly  that 
he  desired  it  for  Kansas,  whilst  he  was  fully 
determined  to  use  it  for  a different  purpose.  But 
it  cannot,  we  think,  be  said  that  the  charge  has 
been  sustained.  He  undoubtedly  practised  secrecy 
as  to  his  plans  almost  habitually ; as  what  reformer 
who  appealed  to  the  sword  did  not,  of  necessity, 
in  his  time  ? But  nothing  we  know  of  him  would 
lead  us  to  the  conclusion  that  he  was  capable  of 
committing  so  gross  a breach  of  faith  as  this  charge 
implies.  The  chief  evidence  produced  in  support 

95 


96  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


of  it  is  the  order  he  gave,  early  in  the  year,  for 
the  manufacture  of  iooo  pikes  at  Collinsville, 
Connecticut.  The  merchant  from  whom  he 
ordered  them  gave  the  following  account  of  the 
transaction. 

“ In  the  latter  part  of  February,  or  the  early 
part  of  March,  1857,  old  Brown,  as  he  is  familiarly 
called,  came  to  Collinsville  to  visit  his  relatives,  and, 
by  invitation,  addressed  the  inhabitants  at  a public 
meeting.  At  the  close  of  it,  or  on  the  following 
day,  he  exhibited  some  weapons  which  he  claimed 
to  have  taken  from  Captain  H.  C.  Pate,  at  the  battle 
of  Black  Jack.  Among  others  was  a bowie-knife 
or  dirk,  having  a blade  about  eight  inches  long. 
Brown  remarked  that  such  an  instrument,  fixed  on 
the  end  of  a pole  about  six  feet  long,  would  be  a 
capital  weapon  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the  settlers 
in  Kansas,  to  keep  in  their  cabins  to  defend  them- 
selves against  ‘ Border  Ruffians  or  wild  beasts  ’ ; 
and  asked  me  what  it  would  cost  for  1000.  I 
replied  that  I would  make  them  for  one  dollar 
each ; not  thinking  that  it  would  lead  to  a contract, 
or  that  such  an  instrument  would  ever  be  wanted, 
or  put  to  use  in  any  way  if  made.  But,  to  my 
surprise,  he  drew  up  a contract  for  1000,  to 
be  completed  within  three  months ; he  agreeing 
to  pay  me  500  dollars  in  thirty  days,  and  the 
balance  within  thirty  days  thereafter.” 

Brown  was  unable  in  the  time  specified  to  fulfil 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA 


97 


his  part  of  the  contract,  through  lack  of  funds  and 
the  pikes  remained  uncompleted.  In  June  1859 — 
after  the  Kansas  struggle  was  practically  ended, 
by  an  enormous  majority  of  the  settlers  rejecting 
the  Lecompton — or  Slave — Constitution — there  was 
no  further  need  for  the  pikes  in  Kansas,  and  Brown 
by  this  time  was  organising  a far  more  ambitious 
scheme  than  the  defence  of  log-huts.  He  paid  up 
the  balance  of  the  account  from  funds  obtained  for 
other  purposes  than  Kansas  warfare,  and  had  the 
! whole  consignment  forwarded,  in  the  assumed  name 
| of  J.  Smith  & Sons,  to  Chambersburg,  Pennsylvania. 
From  thence  they  were,  later  in  the  year,  conveyed 
across  country  to  Harper’s  Ferry. 

Before  this  time  he  had  issued  an  appeal  to  the 
friends  of  freedom  in  the  Northern  States,  as 
follows : — 


“To  the  Friends  of  Freedom 

“The  undersigned,  whose  individual  means  were 
exceedingly  limited  when  he  first  engaged  in  the 
struggle  for  liberty  in  Kansas,  being  now  still  more 
destitute,  and  no  less  anxious  than  in  times  past 
to  continue  his  efforts  to  sustain  that  cause,  is 
induced  to  make  this  earnest  appeal  to  the  friends 
of  freedom  throughout  the  United  States,  in  the 
firm  belief  that  his  call  will  not  go  unheeded. 

“ I ask  all  honest  lovers  of  libei'ty  and  human 
rights , both  male  and  female , to  hold  up  my  hands 
by  contributions  of  pecuniary  aid,  either  as  counties, 

G 


98  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BRO  WN 


cities,  towns,  villages,  societies,  churches,  or  in- 
dividuals. 

“ I will  endeavour  to  make  a judicious  and  faithful 
application  of  all  such  means  as  I may  be  supplied 
with.  Contributions  may  be  sent  in  drafts  to  W. 
H.  D.  Calendar,  Cashier,  State  Bank,  Hartford, 
Connecticut.  It  is  my  intention  to  visit  as  many 
places  as  I can  during  my  stay  in  the  States, 
provided  I am  informed  of  the  disposition  of  the 
inhabitants  to  aid  me  in  my  efforts,  as  well  as  to 
receive  my  visit.  Information  may  be  communicated 
to  me  (care  of  Massasoit  House)  at  Springfield, 
Massachusetts.  Will  editors  of  newspapers  friendly 
to  the  cause  kindly  second  the  measure,  and  also 
give  this  some  half-dozen  insertions?  Will  either 
gentlemen  or  ladies,  or  both,  volunteer  to  take  up 
the  business?  It  is  with  no  little  sacrifice  of  personal 
feeling  I appear  in  this  manner  before  the  public. 

“John  Brown.” 

In  Ohio  he  seems  to  have  met  with  little  sym- 
pathy. The  burning  zeal  which  hurried  him  along 
was  called  madness,  and  he  suffered  many  bitter 
disappointments.  The  Cleveland  Herald , speaking 
of  his  visit  to  that  town,  said  : — “ He  was  so  de- 
mented as  to  suppose  he  could  raise  a regiment 
of  men  in  Ohio  to  march  into  Missouri  to  make 
reprisals  against  the  slave  forces,  and  even  asked 
a friend  if  the  power  of  the  State  could  not  be 
enlisted  in  that  matter.  He  was  told  by  many  that 
he  was  a madman,  and  the  poor  man  left  sorrow- 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA 


99 


ing  that  there  was  no  sympathy  here  for  the 
oppressed.” 

His  half-brother,  Jeremiah,  openly  stated  to  the 
Senate  Committee  appointed  to  inquire  into  the 
Harper’s  Ferry  business  that  it  was  his  conviction 
John  was  mad.  In  the  course  of  his  evidence  he 
said  : — 

“My  brother  John,  from  my  earliest  recollection, 
has  been  an  honest,  conscientious  man  ; and  this  was 
his  reputation  among  all  who  knew  him  in  that 
section  of  the  country.  Since  the  trouble  growing 
out  of  the  settlement  of  Kansas  Territory,  I have 
observed  a marked  change  in  brother  John.  Previous 
to  this,  he  devoted  himself  entirely  to  business,  but 
he  became  wholly  absorbed  by  the  subject  of  slavery. 
He  had  property  left  him  by  his  father,  of  which  I 
had  the  agency.  He  has  never  taken  a dollar  of 
it  for  the  benefit  of  his  family,  but  has  called  for  a 
portion  of  it  to  be  expended  in  what  he  called  the 
service.  After  his  return  from  Kansas  he  called  on 
me,  and  I urged  him  to  go  home  to  his  family  and 
attend  to  his  private  affairs ; that  I feared  his  course 
would  prove  his  destruction  and  that  of  his  boys. 
This  was  about  two  years  ago.  He  replied  that  he 
was  sorry  that  I did  not  sympathise  with  him  ; that 
he  knew  he  was  in  the  line  of  his  duty  and  he  must 
pursue  it  though  it  should  destroy  him  and  his  family. 
He  stated  to  me  that  he  was  satisfied  that  he  was 
a chosen  instrument  in  the  hands  of  God  to  war 
against  slavery.  From  his  manner,  and  from  his 
conversation  at  the  time,  I had  no  doubt  he  had 


ioo  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


become  insane  upon  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  I gave 
him  to  understand  that  this  was  my  opinion  of 
him.” 

At  Boston  his  visit  stirred  the  whole  community, 
and  an  agitation  was  set  on  foot  to  induce  the 
Massachusetts  Legislature  to  vote  10,000  dollars  for 
the  defence  of  the  Kansas  Free-soilers.  A committee 
was  appointed  to  receive  evidence  and  petitions  in 
favour  of  the  proposal.  It  held  sittings  in  public,  and 
on  1 8th  Febuary  1857  John  Brown  appeared  before 
it  to  read  his  statement  of  what  he  had  seen  in 
Kansas.  The  many  little  touches  of  autobiography  it 
contains  make  it  now  a very  interesting  document. 

He  said  : “ In  the  fall  of  1855,  I,  with  four  of  my 
sons,  was  called  out,  and  travelled,  mostly  on  foot 
and  during  the  night,  to  help  to  defend  Lawrence,  a 
distance  of  thirty-five  miles,  where  we  were  detained 
with  some  1500  others,  or  thereabouts,  from  five  to 
ten  days — say  an  average  of  ten  days — at  a cost 
of  not  less  than  a dollar  and  a half  per  day  as  wages ; 
to  say  nothing  of  the  actual  loss  and  suffering 
occasioned  to  many  of  them  by  leaving  their 
families  sick,  their  crops  not  secured,  their  houses 
unprepared  for  winter,  and  many  without  houses 
at  all.  This  was  the  case  with  myself  and  sons, 
who  could  not  get  houses  built  after  returning.  . . . 
I,  with  six  sons  and  a son-in-law,  was  called  out,  and 
travelled  most  of  the  way  on  foot,  to  try  and  save 
Lawrence,  May  20  and  21,  and  much  of  the  way 
in  the  night.  . . . From  about  20th  May,  hundreds 
of  men,  like  ourselves,  lost  their  whole  time,  and 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA  ioi 

entirely  failed  of  securing  any  kind  of  crops  what- 
ever.” 

The  loss  of  time  alone  he  put  at  90,000  dollars. 
“ On  or  about  the  20th  of  May,  two  of  my  sons, 
with  several  others,  were  imprisoned  without  other 
crime  than  opposition  to  bogus  legislation,  and 
most  barbarously  treated  for  a time,  one  being 
held  about  a month,  the  other  about  four  months. 
Both  had  their  families  on  the  ground.  After  this 
both  of  them  had  their  houses  burned,  and  all  their 
goods  consumed  by  the  Missourians.  In  this  burn- 
ing all  the  eight  suffered.  One  had  his  oxen  stolen 
in  addition.” 

Here  he  laid  down  his  paper  to  tell  of  the  chains 
— then  in  his  possession — with  which  his  son  had 
been  loaded,  and  his  eye  flashed  fire  as  he  said  the 
tortures  to  which  his  son  was  subjected  had  made 
him  “ a maniac,  yes,  a maniac.”  Wiping  away  an 
involuntary  tear,  he  continued : — 

“At  Black  Jack  the  invading  Missourians  wounded 
three  Free  State  men,  one  of  whom  was  my  son- 
in-law,  and  a few  days  afterwards  one  of  my  sons 
was  so  wounded  that  he  will  be  a cripple  for  life.  . . . 
I saw  the  ruins  of  many  Free  State  men’s  houses 
in  different  parts  of  the  Territory,  together  with 
grain  in  the  stack,  burning,  and  wasted  in  other 
ways,  to  the  amount  of  at  least  50,000  dollars.  . . . 
I know  that  for  a considerable  time  the  mails  on 
different  routes  were  entirely  stopped ; and  not- 
withstanding there  were  abundant  troops  in  the 
Territory  to  escort  the  mails,  I know  that  such  escorts 


io2  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

were  not  furnished  as  they  ought  to  have  been.  ...  In 
September  last  I visited  a little  Free  State  town  called 
Staunton,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Osage,  from  which 
every  inhabitant  had  fled  for  fear  of  their  lives,  even 
after  having  built  a strong  log-house,  or  wooden  fort,  at 
a heavy  expense,  for  their  protection.  Many  of  them 
had  left  their  effects,  liable  to  be  destroyed  or  carried 
off,  not  being  able  to  remove  them.  This  was  to  me 
a most  gloomy  scene,  and  like  a visit  to  a sepulchre. 
Deserted  houses  and  cornfields  were  to  be  found  in 
almost  every  direction  south  of  the  Kansas  River. 

“ I once  saw  three  mangled  bodies,  two  of  which 
were  dead,  and  one  alive,  but  with  twenty  bullet 
and  buck-shot  holes  in  him,  after  the  two  murdered 
men  had  lain  on  the  ground,  to  be  worked  at  by 
flies  for  some  eighteen  hours.  One  of  these  young 
men  was  my  own  son.” 

Here  he  completely  broke  down  in  his  narrative, 
vainly  striving  to  suppress  the  emotion  which  would 
have  way.  Resuming  : — 

“ I saw  Mr  Parker,  whom  I well  knew,  all  bruised 
about  the  head,  and  with  his  throat  partly  cut,  after 
he  had  been  dragged,  sick,  from  the  house  of  Ottawa 
Jones,  and  thrown  over  the  bank  of  the  Ottawa  Creek 
for  dead.  About  the  1st  of  September,  I and  five 
sick  and  wounded  sons  and  a son-in-law  were 
obliged  to  lie  on  the  ground,  without  shelter,  for  a 
considerable  time,  and  at  times  almost  in  a state 
of  starving,  and  dependent  on  the  charity  of  the 
Christian  Indian  I have  before  named  (Ottawa 
Jones)  and  his  wife.” 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA  103 

Asked  if  he  knew  anything  of  Buford’s  men — 
that  is  the  body  of  Georgia  and  Alabama  bandits 
under  Colonel  Buford,  who  figured  very  pro- 
minently in  the  attacks  on  the  Free  State  men  in 
Kansas — he  told  how,  acting  as  a surveyor,  he  had 
entered  their  camp  and  ascertained  their  plans. 
They  said  Kansas  must  be  a Slave  State  to  save 
Missouri  from  Abolition ; that  both  must  stand 
or  fall  together.  They  did  not  hesitate  to  threaten 
that  they  would  burn,  kill,  scalp  and  drive  out  the 
entire  Free  State  population  of  the  Territory,  if  it 
was  necessary  to  do  so  to  accomplish  their  object. 

In  answer  to  the  inquiry  who  commanded  the 
Free  State  men  at  the  last  attack  on  Lawrence, 
he  characteristically  gave  praise  to  everyone  except 
himself,  but  when  pressed  for  a definite  answer, 
replied:  “ No  one.  He  was  asked  to  take  command 
but  refused,  and  only  acted  as  their  adviser.”  He 
concluded  : “ We  want  good  men,  industrious  men, 
men  who  respect  themselves,  who  act  only  from  the 
dictates  of  conscience — men  who  fear  God  too  much  to 
fear  anything  human!' 

His  personal  appearance  at  this  time  is  thus 
described  by  one  who  met  him  frequently.  “ His 
brown  coat  of  the  fashion  of  ten  years  before,  his 
waistcoat  buttoning  nearly  to  the  throat,  and  his 
wide  trousers,  gave  him  the  look  of  a well-to-do 
farmer  in  his  Sunday  dress  ; while  his  patent  leather 
stock,  grey  surtout,  and  fur  cap,  added  a military  air 
to  his  figure.  At  this  time  he  wore  no  beard.”  A 
favourite  expression  of  his,  noted  by  many  during 


io4  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


this  visit,  was — “ I believe  in  the  Golden  Rule,  sir, 
and  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  I think  they 
both  mean  the  same  thing  ; and  it  is  better  that  a 
whole  generation  should  pass  off  the  face  of  the 
earth — men,  women  and  children  — by  a violent 
death,  than  that  one  jot  of  either  should  fail  in  this 
country.  I mean  exactly  so,  sir.” 

He  visited  Concord,  and  made  the  acquaintance 
of  Emerson  and  Thoreau,  impressing  both  deeply 
with  his  strong  personality.  Emerson  described 
him  as  the  truest  hero-man  he  had  ever  met,  and 
speaking  in  Tremont  Temple,  Boston,  at  a meeting 
held  to  provide  measures  of  relief  for  Brown’s  family, 
said  : — 

“ As  for  Captain  Brown  himself,  he  is  so  trans- 
parent that  all  men  can  see  through  him.  He  is 
a man  to  make  himself  felt  wherever  in  the  world 
courage  and  integrity  are  esteemed,  the  rarest  of 
heroes,  and  yet  a pure  idealist.  Everyone  who  has 
heard  him  speak  has  been  impressed  alike  by  his 
simple  and  artless  goodness  and  his  sublime  courage, 
he  joins  the  high  faith  of  the  good  man  with  the 
revolutionary  spirit  of  his  grandfather.  He  believes 
in  two  instruments,  the  Golden  Rule  and  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  . . . He  believes  in 
the  Union  of  American  States,  and  he  conceives 
that  the  only  enemy  of  Union  is  slavery,  and  for  this 
reason,  as  a patriot,  he  seeks  its  abolition.  . . . 
Captain  Brown’s  speeches  to  the  court  have  inter- 
ested a nation  in  him.  What  artlessness  and  plain- 
ness! If  he  had  interfered  in  behalf  of  the  great,  or 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA 


io5 

the  wealthy,  or  the  wise,  he  said,  no  one  would  have 
blamed  him  ; but  he  believed  that  when  he  inter- 
fered in  behalf  of  a poor  and  despised  people  he  was 
doing  right.  What  a favourite  will  he  be  in  history, 
which  plays  such  pranks  with  mere  contemporary 
reputations.  Nothing  can  resist  it.  If  he  suffers 
death,  it  is  plain  that  he  will  drag  certain  official 
gentlemen  into  an  immortality  most  undesirable,  and 
of  which  they  have  already  some  disagreeable  fore- 
bodings. Indeed,  it  is  the  resolution  of  the  Governor 
of  Virginia  to  hang  the  man  who,  he  says,  possesses 
the  greatest  integrity,  truthfulness  and  courage 
that  he  ever  met.  Is  that  the  kind  of  man  for  whom 
the  gallows  is  built?  No  man  dare  believe  that 
there  exists  in  Virginia  another  man  so  worthy  to 
live,  as  deserving  of  public  and  private  honours,  as 
this  poor  prisoner.  I said  just  now  that  John 
Brown  is  an  idealist,  but  he  believes  in  his  ideas  to 
such  an  extent  that  he  laboured  to  put  them  all  into 
action.  He  did  not  believe  in  moral  suasion,  but  in 
putting  things  through.” 

/ After  a short  visit  to  his  family  at  North  Elba, 
/ where  he  found  his  two  years’  absence  had 
obliterated  his  face  and  figure  from  the  mind  of 
his  little  daughter  Ellen,  he  terminated  his  visits  to 
the  New  England  States,  and  turned  his  face  once 
more  westwards.  He  was  disappointed  with  the 
results  of  his  visit.  There  was  found  among  his 
papers  after  his  death  a document  which  expresses 
very  forcibly  his  painful  surprise  at  the  contrast 
between  the  beautiful  sentiments  so  frequently 


106  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

expressed  in  the  press  and  on  the  platform,  and  the 
paltry  amounts  he  had  obtained  to  sustain  the  rights 
of  Free  men  in  Kansas.  Popular  orators  constantly 
sprinkled  their  speeches  with  references  to  Plymouth 
Rock,  where  the  first  Puritans  landed  from  the  May- 
flower, and  to  the  monument  erected  on  Bunker’s 
Hill.  By  adding  to  these  Uncle  Tonis  Cabin  he 
appears  to  suggest  that  sentiment  is  well,  but  action 
is  better.  This  interesting  sheet  runs  as  follows : — 


“OLD  BROWN’S  FAREWELL 

TO  THE  ‘ PLYMOUTH  ROCKS,’  ‘ BUNKER  HILL 
MONUMENTS,’  ‘CHARTER  OAKS,’  AND 
‘ Uncle  Tom's  Cabin.' 

“ He  has  left  for  Kansas.  He  has  been  trying 
since  he  came  out  of  the  Territory  to  secure  an  outfit, 
or,  in  other  words,  the  means  of  arming  and 
thoroughly  equipping  his  regular  minute  men,  who 
are  mixed  up  with  the  people  of  Kansas  ; and  he 
leaves  the  States  with  a feeling  of  deepest  sadness, 
that,  after  having  exhausted  his  own  small  means, 
and  with  his  family  and  his  brave  men  suffered 
hunger,  cold,  nakedness,  and  some  of  them  sickness, 
wounds,  imprisonment  in  irons,  with  extreme  cruel 
treatment,  and  others  death  ; that,  after  lying  on  the 
ground  for  months  in  the  most  sickly,  unwholesome 
and  uncomfortable  places,  some  of  the  time  with 
sick  and  wounded,  destitute  of  any  shelter ; hunted 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA  107 

like  wolves;  sustained  in  part  by  Indians — that  after 
all  this,  in  order  to  sustain  a cause  which  every 
citizen  of  this  1 glorious  Republic  ’ is  under  equal 
moral  obligations  to  aid,  and  for  the  neglect  of 
which  he  will  be  held  accountable  by  God — a cause 
in  which  every  man,  woman  and  child  of  the  entire 
human  family  has  a deep  and  awful  interest — that, 
when  no  wages  are  asked  or  expected,  he  cannot 
secure,  amidst  all  the  wealth,  luxury  and  ex- 
travagance of  this  ‘ heaven-exalted  ’ people  even  the 
necessary  supplies  of  the  common  soldier.  ‘ How  are 
the  mighty  fallen  ! ’ 

“Boston,  April , a.d.  1857.” 

Now  it  was  that  the  design  of  an  armed  attack 
upon  slavery  clearly  began  to  take  practical  shape 
in  his  mind.  He  endeavoured  to  form  a small 
military  training  school  at  Tabor,  Iowa,  hoping  there 
to  drill  a number  of  young  men  from  Kansas  who 
would  follow  him  to  Harper’s  Ferry.  He  engaged 
Hugh  Forbes,  an  ex-Garibaldian  captain,  a shiftless, 
dissolute  man,  to  act  as  drill-instructor.  They  both 
arrived  in  Tabor  during  August  1857,  but  had  to 
remain  inactive  for  nearly  three  months,  through 
lack  of  funds.  He  divulged  all  his  plans  to  Forbes, 
who,  before  long,  quarrelled  with  him,  first  tried  to 
supplant  and  then  betrayed  him.  This  delayed  the 
proposed  attack  for  about  a year. 

In  November  Brown  left  Tabor  for  Kansas,  in  a 
waggon  driven  by  one  of  his  sons.  Immediately  on 


io8  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


his  arrival  at  Lawrence  he  approached  a number  of 
young  Free  State  men,  asking  them  to  join  an 
organised  body  to  stop  the  depredations  of  the  slave- 
holders. One  of  the  first  to  join  him  was  John  E. 
Cook,  whose  confession  after  Harper’s  Ferry  furnishes 
us  with  some  very  interesting  details.  With  other 
young  men  Cook  went  to  Tabor,  where  they  learned 
that  their  ultimate  destination  was  Virginia.  Some 
of  them  objected,  but  were  finally  persuaded  to  go 
with  the  rest.  They  found  clothing,  blankets, 
ammunition,  200  revolvers,  and  about  200  Sharpe’s 
rifles  already  provided.  Removing  to  Peder,  they 
remained  there  during  the  winter  months  drilling 
. under  Captain  Aaron  D.  Stevens,  the  leader  of  the 
Free  State  men  at  Topeka  in  1856.  “ The  people  of 

the  neighbourhood  did  not  know  our  purpose,”  says 
Cook.  “We  remained  at  Peder  till  about  the  middle 
of, April  1858,  when  we  left  for  Chatham,  Canada.” 

Brown’s  object  in  going  to  Canada  was  to  secure 
the  active  co-operation  of  the  escaped  slaves  living 
there,  of  whom  there  were  said  to  be  40,000  at  this 
time.  At  Chatham,  Canada  West,  he  called  a secret 
convention  of  “ true  friends  of  Freedom  ” in  the  early 
part  of  May,  the  place  of  meeting  being  one  of  the 
negro  churches.  Elder  Monroe,  a coloured  minister, 
was  president,  and  J.  H.  Kagi  was  secretary.  Brown 
submitted  to  the  meeting  a lengthy  constitution  of 
forty-eight  articles.  His  object  was  not  to  run  away 
with  slaves  to  the  North,  but  to  emancipate  them  in 
the  slave-holding  States,  and  by  military  organisa- 
tion and  defensive  operations  in  the  mountains  to 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA  109 

maintain  them  in  freedom  until  the  U.  S.  Legislature 
should  repeal  the  slavery  laws.  Therefore  he  had 
drawn  up  a form  of  provisional  government  to  pre- 
serve order  among  the  freed  slaves  as  long  as  they 
should  need  to  remain  under  his  control.  The 
preamble  to  this  “ Provisional  Constitution  and 
Ordinances  for  the  people  of  the  United  States” 
was  as  follows  : — 

“ Whereas  slavery,  throughout  its  entire  existence 
in  the  United  States,  is  none  other  than  the  most 
barbarous,  unprovoked  and  unjustifiable  war  of  one 
portion  of  its  citizens  against  another  portion,  the 
only  conditions  of  which  are  perpetual  imprisonment 
and  hopeless  servitude,  or  absolute  extermination  ; 
in  utter  disregard  and  violation  of  those  eternal  and 
self-evident  truths  set  forth  in  our  Declaration  of 
Independence ; therefore  we,  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  oppressed  people  who  by 
a recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  are  declared 
to  have  no  rights  which  the  white  man  is  bound  to 
respect,  together  with  all  the  other  people  degraded 
by  the  laws  thereof,  do,  for  the  time  being,  ordain 
and  establish  for  ourselves  the  following  provisional 
constitution  and  ordinances,  the  better  to  protect 
our  people,  property,  lives  and  liberties,  and  to 
govern  our  actions.” 

The  object  being  not  revolution,  but  slave  emanci- 
pation, one  of  the  articles,  No.  46,  expressly  stipu- 
lated that  they  did  not  wish  to  overthrow  the  settled 
government  of  any  State. 


no  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

“ The  foregoing  articles  shall  not  be  construed  so 
as  in  any  way  to  encourage  the  overthrow  of  any 
State  government,  or  of  the  general  Government  of 
the  United  States  ; and  we  look  to  no  dissolution  of 
the  Union,  but  simply  to  amendment  and  repeal; 
and  our  flag  shall  be  the  same  that  our  fathers 
fought  under  in  the  Revolution.” 

' According  to  Cook,  some  forty-four  persons  signed 
this  document  at  the  convention,  the  whole  of  them 
being  black  except  the  few  Brown  had  taken  with  him. 
Two  days  later  they  met  again  and  unanimously 
elected  Brown  commander-in-chief.  Some  little 
time  previously  Brown  had  fully  communicated  his 
plans  to  a few  Abolitionists  at  the  house  of  Mr 
Gerrit  Smith,  Peterboro,  New  York.  Mr  F.  B. 
Sanborn  was  sent  by  them  to  interview  Brown,  who 
laid  before  him  his  provisional  constitution  and  the 
full  details  of  his  proposed  operations.  They  saw 
the  hopelessness  of  the  brave  man’s  crusade,  and 
did  their  utmost  to  dissuade  him  from  it.  They 
pointed  out  that  a handful  of  men  such  as  he 
might  raise  could  accomplish  nothing,  and  they 
discounted  his  anticipations  of  large  accessions  from 
runaway  slaves.  But  all  their  arguments  were 
wasted.  His  resolution  was  firmly  fixed.  He  was 
called  to  the  work  by  God  and  would  not  turn 
back.  Give  a slave  a pike  and  you  make  him  a 
man.  Nat  Turner  with  fifty  men  held  Virginia 
in  terror  for  five  weeks ; the  same  number  well 
organised  and  armed  could  shake  the  system  out 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA 


hi 


of  the  State.  Twenty  men  in  the  Alleghanies  could 
break  slavery  to  pieces  in  two  years.  “If  God  be 
for  us,  who  can  be  against  us  ? ” 

So  he  talked,  and  so  he  believed.  If  he  was 
mad,  it  was  a sublime  madness,  without  the  slightest 
taint  of  selfishness.  The  only  question  for  his 
friends  to  consider  was  whether  they  would  help 
him  in  his  attempt  or  not.  Made  it  would  be, 
whatever  their  decision.  As  Gerrit  Smith  put  it 
at  a private  conference:  “You  see  how  it  is,  our 
dear  old  friend  has  made  up  his  mind  to  this 
course,  and  cannot  be  turned  from  it.  We  cannot 
give  him  up  to  die  alone,  we  must  support  him.” 

In  a letter  to  Mr  Sanborn  the  day  after  this  con- 
ference, Brown  showed  that  he  had  counted  the 
cost,  and  was  resolved  to  proceed  at  all  hazards. 
“ I have  only  had  this  one  opportunity  in  a life  of 
nearly  sixty  years.  . . . God  has  honoured  but 
comparatively  a very  small  part  of  mankind  with 
any  possible  chance  for  such  mighty  and  soul- 
satisfying  rewards.  ...  I expect  nothing  but  to 
endure  hardness,  but  I expect  to  effect  a mighty 
conquest,  even  though  it  be  like  the  last  victory  of 
SamsonT 

The  exact  relationships  which  existed  between 
Brown  and  the  various  State  Kansas  Committees  are 
involved  in  much  obscurity  and  are  difficult  to  trace. 
But  a few  things  are  clear.  Brown  accepted  the 
co-operation  of  any  committees  who  consented  to 
further  his  plans,  but  he  resolutely  refused  to  be 
controlled  by  them.  He  was  both  too  strong  willed 


I 12 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BRO  WN 


j and  too  clear  sighted  as  to  his  mission  to  consent 
to  his  movements  being  ordered  by  others.  At 
I the  same  time  some  of  them  rendered  him  valuable 
I assistance  in  money  and  arms,  the  Massachusetts 
State  Kansas  Committee  being  the  most  prominent. 
Of  this  committee  Mr  G.  L.  Stearns  was  chairman, 
Mr  Gerrit  Smith,  treasurer,  and  Mr  F.  B.  Sanborn — 
Brown’s  latest  and  most  voluminous  biographer — the 
secretary.  Probably  the  man  of  most  marked  char- 
acteristics was  Gerrit  Smith,  a large  landowner  who 
did  not  believe  in  private  property  in  land  and  nobly 
acted  up  to  his  principles.  A busy  man  of  commerce 
and  a Senator,  and  of  so  open  a hospitality  that 
his  biographer  called  it  “tavernous.”  Full  of  the 
“enthusiasm  of  humanity  ” when  it  was  less  popular 
so  to  be  than  it  is  to-day,  keen,  shrewd,  alert,  he 
spared  neither  time  nor  money  in  furthering  great 
causes  he  believed  in,  such  as  Abolition  and  Prohibi- 
tion, and  at  one  period  contributed  for  many  months  in 
succession  1000  dollars  a month  to  win  Kansas  for 
freedom.  Other  men  who  in  one  form  or  another 
expressed  sympathy  with  Brown’s  work  were  Horace 
White,  afterwards  editor  of  the  Chicago  Tribune ; S. 
P.  Chace,  Senator  for  Ohio  and  subsequently  Chief 
Justice  of  the  United  States;  W.  A.  Phillips,  after- 
wards Member  of  Congress  for  Kansas  and  a general 
in  the  Northern  Army  during  the  Civil  War,  and 
the  Rev.  Dr  Theodore  Parker,  an  enthusiastic,  whole- 
hearted supporter  of  Brown. 

By  ist  May  1858  Mr  Stearns  had  handed  over 
to  Brown  nearly  the  whole  of  the  thousand  dollars 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA  113 

he  had  asked  for  as  his  special  campaign  fund,  but 
Forbes  now  made  his  disclosures,  and  many 
Abolitionists  becoming  alarmed,  it  was  decided  to 
wait  for  a more  favourable  opportunity  before  taking 
definite  action.  This  advice  was  strongly  pressed 
upon  Brown  by  a private  committee  of  the  more 
energetic  spirits  among  the  Abolitionists,  consisting 
of  Gerrit  Smith,  Theodore  Parker,  Dr  Howe, 
Wentworth  Higginson,  G.  L.  Stearns,  and  F.  B. 
Sanborn.  To  Wendell  Phillips,  Horace  Greeley, 
and  several  other  prominent  Abolitionists,  although 
they  were  in  general  sympathy  with  his  work, 
Brown  does  not  seem  to  have  disclosed  his  plans 
in  their  later  developments.  Frederick  Douglass 
enjoyed  his  full  confidence  throughout. 

The  rifles  which  had  been  placed  in  Brown’s 
hands  as  the  agent  of  the  Massachusetts  State 
Kansas  Committee,  for  the  defence  of  Kansas 
settlers,  had  before  this  date  become  the  personal 
property  of  Mr  G.  L.  Stearns,  whose  contributions 
had  been  on  a most  generous  scale.  He  now  placed 
them  in  Brown’s  hands  as  his  personal  representative, 
and  for  their  subsequent  use  the  committee  was  in 
no  degree  responsible. 

What  Emerson  thought  of  Stearns  is  shown  in  the 
following  quotation  from  the  address  he  delivered  at 
his  funeral  in  1867  : — “ We  recall  the  all  but  exclusive 
devotion  of  this  excellent  man  during  the  last 
twelve  years  to  public  and  patriotic  interests,  known 
until  that  time  in  no  very  wide  circle  as  a man  of 
skill  and  perseverance  in  his  business,  of  pure  life, 

H 


1 14  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


of  retiring  and  affectionate  habits,  happy  in  his 
domestic  relations,  his  extreme  interest  in  the 
national  politics,  then  growing  more  anxious  year 
by  year,  engaged  him  to  scan  the  fortunes  of 
freedom  with  keener  attention.  He  was  an  early 
labourer  in  the  resistance  to  slavery.  This  brought 
him  into  sympathy  with  the  people  of  Kansas. 
As  early  as  1855  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society  was 
formed,  and  in  1856  he  organised  the  Massachusetts 
State  Kansas  Committee,  by  means  of  which  a 
large  amount  of  money  was  obtained  for  the  Free 
State  men  at  times  of  the  greatest  need. 

“ He  was  the  more  engaged  to  this  cause  by  making, 
in  1857,  the  acquaintance  of  Captain  John  Brown,  who 
was  not  only  an  extraordinary  man,  but  one  who 
had  a rare  magnetism  for  men  of  character,  and 
attached  some  of  the  best  and  noblest  to  him  on 
very  short  acquaintance  by  lasting  ties.  Mr  Stearns 
made  himself  at  once  necessary  to  Captain  Brown 
as  one  who  respected  his  inspirations,  and  had  the 
magnanimity  to  trust  him  entirely,  and  to  arm  his 
hands  with  all  needed  help.  For  the  relief  of 
Kansas  in  1856-57  his  own  contributions  were  the 
largest  and  the  first.  He  never  asked  anyone  to 
give  so  much  as  he  himself  gave ; and  his  interest 
was  so  manifestly  pure  and  sincere  that  he  easily 
obtained  eager  offerings  in  quarters  where  other 
petitioners  failed.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  become 
the  banker  of  his  clients,  and  to  furnish  them 
money  and  arms  in  advance  of  the  subscriptions 
which  he  obtained.  His  first  donations  were  only 


TO  THE  EAST  AND  CANADA 


“5 


entering  wedges  of  his  later ; and,  unlike  other 
benefactors,  he  did  not  give  money  to  excuse  his 
entire  preoccupation  in  his  own  pursuits,  but  as  an 
earnest  of  the  dedication  of  his  heart  and  hand  to 
the  interests  of  the  sufferers,  a pledge  kept  until 
the  success  he  wrought  and  prayed  for  was 
consummated.” 


CHAPTER  VIII 

LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS 

Influenced  by  the  bad  news  from  his  sons  in 
Kansas  as  well  as  by  the  necessity  for  delaying  his 
great  project,  Brown  once  more  set  out  for  Kansas, 
taking  Kagi  with  him.  During  his  absence  from  the 
Territory  the  pro-slavery  men  had  continued  the 
usual  atrocities  with  but  little  intermission.  A 
peculiarly  barbarous  massacre  committed  at  the 
farm  of  Marais  des  Cygnes*had  caused  the  whole 
neighbourhood  to  take  up  arms,  under  the  leadership 
of  a Mr  Montgomery.  Brown  reached  Lawrence  on 
25th  June  1858,  when  Mr  Redpath  saw  him.  Another 
correspondent,  Richard  J.  Hinton,  who  met  him  the 
same  day,  thus  describes  their  interview. 

“ On  Sunday  I held  a very  interesting  conversation 
with  Captain  Brown,  which  lasted  nearly  the  whole 
afternoon.  The  purport  of  it  was,  on  his  part, 
inquiries  as  to  various  public  men  in  the  Territory, 
and  the  condition  of  political  affairs.  He  was  very 
particular  in  his  inquiries  as  to  the  movements  and 

* Marsh  of  the  Swans. 

1 16 


LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS 


117 


character  of  Captain  Montgomery.*  The  massacre 
of  the  Marais  des  Cygnes  was  then  fresh  in  the 
minds  of  the  people.  I remember  an  expression 
which  he  used.  Warmly  giving  utterance  to  my 
detestation  of  slavery  and  its  minions,  and  impatiently 
wishing  for  some  effectual  means  of  injuring  it, 
Captain  Brown  said,  most  impressively:  ‘Young 
men  must  learn  to  wait.  Patience  is  the  hardest 
lesson  to  learn.  I have  waited  for  twenty  years  to 
accomplish  my  purpose.’  ” 

The  next  day,  26th  June,  he  started  for  the  South 
to  see  his  relatives  and  Captain  Montgomery,  Kagi 
accompanying  him.  They  encamped  about  half  a 
mile  from  the  border,  and  strongly  fortified  them- 
selves. Here  they  were  speedily  joined  by  a number 
of  Brown’s  old  friends,  and  the  news  spread  like  wild- 
fire along  the  countryside  that  John  Brown  had  re- 
turned. They  learned  it,  too,  over  the  border,  and 
checked  their  incursions.  But  they  were  ere  long  to 
learn  it  in  a more  effectual  way.  For  the  first  two  or 
three  months,  Brown,  suffering  from  poor  health,  re- 
mained inactive  at  the  house  of  his  half-sister,  Mrs 
Adair,  near  Ossawattomie.  Here,  in  September,  he 
was  again  seen  by  Mr  R.  J.  Hinton,  who  wrote  as 
follows  t 

“ Captain  Brown  had  been  quite  unwell,  and  was  then 
somewhat  more  impatient  and  nervous  in  his  manner 

* Afterwards  colonel  of  a black  regiment  in  South  Carolina  during 
the  Civil  War. 

f John  Brown  and  His  Men , by  R.  J.  Hinton,  p.  671,  etc. 


ii8  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


than  I had  before  observed.  Soon  after  my  arrival 
he  again  engaged  in  conversation  as  to  the  various 
public  men  in  the  Territory.  Captain  Montgomery’s 
name  was  introduced,  and  Captain  Brown  was  quite 
enthusiastic  in  praise  of  him,  avowing  a most  perfect 
confidence  in  his  integrity  and  purposes.  ‘Captain 
Montgomery,’  he  said,  ‘is  the  only  soldier  I have  met 
among  the  prominent  Kansas  men.  He  understands 
my  system  of  warfare  exactly.  He  is  a natural 
chieftain  and  knows  how  to  lead.’  Of  his  own  early 
treatment  at  the  hands  of  ambitious  leaders,  to  which 
I had  alluded  in  bitter  terms,  he  said  : ‘ They  acted 

up  to  their  instincts.  As  politicians,  they  thought 
every  man  wanted  to  lead,  and  therefore  supposed 
1 might  be  in  the  way  of  their  schemes.  While  they 
had  this  feeling  of  course  they  opposed  me.  Many 
men  did  not  like  the  manner  in  which  I conducted 
warfare,  and  they  too  opposed  me.  Committees  and 
councils  could  not  control  my  movements,  therefore 
they  did  not  like  me.  But  politicians  and  leaders 
soon  found  I had  different  purposes,  and  forgot  their 
jealousy.  They  have  been  kind  to  me  since.  ..  . For 
twenty  years  I have  never  made  any  business  arrange- 
ment which  would  prevent  me  at  any  time  answer- 
ing the  call  of  the  Lord.  I have  kept  my  business 
in  such  a condition  that  in  two  weeks  I could 
always  wind  up  my  affairs  and  be  ready  to  obey  the 
call.  I have  permitted  nothing  to  be  in  the  way  of 
my  duty,  neither  wife,  children,  nor  worldly  goods. 
Whenever  the  occasion  offered  I was  ready.’  He 
concluded:  ‘Young  men  should  have  a purpose  in 


LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS  119 

life,  and  adhere  to  it  through  all  trials.  They  would 
be  sure  to  succeed  if  their  purpose  was  such  as  to 
deserve  the  blessing  of  God.’  ’’ 

The  same  day,  during  a walk  to  the  river,  Kagi 
detailed  the  whole  of  their  plans  to  Hinton,  showing 
that  the  seizure  of  Harper’s  Ferry  was  only  a pre- 
liminary incident  of  a much  wider  scheme. 

“ Harper’s  Ferry  was  mentioned  as  a point  to  be 
seized — but  not  held — on  account  of  the  arsenal. 
The  white  members  of  the  company  were  to  act  as 
officers  of  different  guerrilla  bands,  which,  under  the 
general  command  of  John  Brown,  were  to  be  composed 
of  Canadian  refugees  and  the  Virginian  slaves  who 
would  join  them.  ...  It  was  not  anticipated  that 
the  first  movement  would  have  any  other  appear- 
ance to  the  masters  than  a slave  stampede,  or  local 
insurrection  at  most.  The  planters  would  pursue 
their  chattels  and  be  defeated.  The  militia  would  then 
be  called  out,  and  would  also  be  defeated.  It  was 
not  intended  that  the  movement  should  appear  to  be 
of  large  dimensions,  but  that,  gradually  increasing  in 
magnitude,  it  should,  as  it  opened,  strike  terror  into 
the  heart  of  the  Slave  States  by  the  amount  of  organi- 
sation it  would  exhibit,  and  the  strength  it  gathered. 
They  anticipated  after  the  first  blow  had  been  struck 
that,  by  the  aid  of  the  free  and  Canadian  negroes 
who  would  join  them,  they  could  inspire  confidence 
in  the  slaves,  and  induce  them  to  rally.  No  intention 
was  expressed  of  gathering  a large  body  of  slaves, 


i2o  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


and  removing  them  to  Canada.  On  the  contrary, 
Kagi  clearly  stated,  in  answer  to  my  inquiries,  that 
the  design  was  to  make  the  fight  in  the  mountains 
of  Virginia,  extending  it  to  North  Carolina  and 
Tennessee,  and  also  to  the  swamps  of  South  Carolina 
if  possible.  Their  purpose  was  not  the  extradition 
\ of  one  or  a thousand  slaves,  but  their  liberation  in  the 
States  wherein  they  were  born  and  were  now  held  in 
bondage. 

“‘The  mountains  and  swamps  of  the  South  were 
intended  by  the  Almighty,’  said  John  Brown  to 
me  afterwards,  ‘ for  a refuge  for  the  slave  and  a 
defence  against  the  oppressor.’  Kagi  spoke  of 
having  marked  out  a chain  of  counties  extending 
"continuously  through  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
j Alabama  and  Mississippi.  He  had  travelled  over 
/ a large  portion  of  the  region  indicated,  and  from 
I his  own  personal  knowledge  and  with  the  assistance 
of  Canadian  negroes  who  had  escaped  from  those 
\ States,  they  had  arranged  a general  plan  of  attack. 
X'~- The  counties  he  named  were  those  which  contained 
the  largest  proportion  of  slaves,  and  would,  therefore, 
be  the  best  in  which  to  strike.  The  blow  struck 
at  Harper’s  Ferry  was  to  be  in  the  spring,  when 
the  planters  were  busy,  and  the  slaves  most  needed. 
,_The  arms  in  the  arsenal  were  to  be  taken  to  the 
mountains,  with  such  slaves  as  joined.  The 
telegraph  wires  were  to  be  cut,  and  the  railroad 
tracks  torn  up  in  all  directions.  As  fast  as  possible 
other  bands  besides  the  original  ones  were  to  be 
formed,  and  a continuous  chain  of  posts  established 


LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS 


121 


in  the  mountains.  They  were  to  be  supported  by 
provisions  taken  from  the  farms  of  the  oppressors. 
They  expected  to  be  speedily  and  constantly 
reinforced  ; first,  by  the  arrival  of  those  men  who, 
in  Canada,  were  anxiously  looking  and  praying 
for  the  time  of  deliverance,  and  then  by  the  slaves 
themselves.  The  intention  was  to  hold  the  egress 
.to  the  Free  States  as  long  as  possible,  in  order 
to  retreat  when  that  was  advisable.  Kagi,  how- 
ever, expected  to  retreat  southward,  not  in  the 
contrary  direction.  The  slaves  were  to  be  armed 
with  pikes,  scythes,  muskets,  shot-guns,  and  other 
simple  instruments  of  defence ; the  officers,  white 
or  black,  and  such  of  the  men  as  were  skilled  and 
trustworthy,  to  have  the  use  of  the  Sharpe’s  rifles 
and  revolvers.  They  anticipated  procuring  pro- 
visions enough  for  subsistence  by  forage,  as  also 
arms,  horses  and  ammunition.  Kagi  said  one  of 
the  reasons  that  induced  him  to  go  into  the 
enterprise  was  a full  conviction  that  at  no  very 
distant  day  forcible  efforts  for  freedom  would 
break  out  among  the  slaves,  and  that  slavery 
might  be  more  speedily  abolished  by  such  efforts 
/ than  by  any  other  means.  He  knew  by  observa- 
tions in  the  South,  that  in  no  point  was  the 
system  so  vulnerable  as  in  its  fear  of  a slave- 
^ rising.  Believing  that  such  a blow  would  soon 
be  struck,  he  wanted  to  organise  it  so  as  to  make 
it  more  effectual,  and  also,  by  directing  and  con- 
trolling the  negroes,  to  prevent  some  of  the 
atrocities  that  would  necessarily  arise  from  the 


i22  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


sudden  upheaving  of  such  a mass  as  the  Southern 
slaves.  The  constitution  adopted  at  Chatham 
was  intended  as  the  framework  of  organisation 
among  the  Emancipationists,  to  enable  the  leaders 
to  effect  a more  complete  control  of  their  forces. 
Ignorant  men,  in  fact  all  men,  were  more  easily 
managed  by  the  forms  of  law  and  organisation 
than  without  them.  This  was  one  of  the  pur- 
poses to  be  subserved  by  the  provisional  govern- 
ment. Another  was  to  alarm  the  (slave-holding) 
oligarchy  by  discipline  and  the  show  of  organisa- 
tion. In  their  terror  they  would  imagine  the 
whole  North  was  upon  them  pell-mell,  as  well  as  all 
their  slaves.  Kagi  said  John  Brown  anticipated 
that,  by  a system  of  forbearance  to  non  - slave- 
holders, many  of  them  might  be  induced  to  join 
them. 

« In  answer  to  an  inquiry  Kagi  stated  that  no 
politician,  in  the  Republican  or  any  other  party, 
knew  of  their  plans,  and  but  few  of  the  Abolitionists. 
It  was  no  use  talking,  he  said,  of  anti-slavery  action 
to  non-resistant  agitators.” 

When  Hinton  exclaimed  that  “all  would  be 
killed,”  Kagi  replied,  “Yes,  I know  it,  Hinton, 
but  the  result  will  be  worth  the  sacrifice 

Hinton  adds  : “ I recall  my  friend  as  a man  of 
personal  beauty,  with  a fine,  well-shaped  head,  a 
voice  of  quiet,  sweet  tones,  that  could  be  penetrating 
and  cutting,  too,  almost  to  sharpness.  The  eyes  were 
remarkable  — large,  full,  well-set  beneath  strongly- 


LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS 


123 


arched  brows.  Ordinarily  they  wore  a veiled  look, 
reminding  me  of  a slow-burning  fire  of  heated  coals, 
hidden  behind  a mica  door.  Hazel-grey  in  colour, 
iridescent  in  light  and  effect.  The  face  gave  you 
confidence  in  the  character  that  had  already  wrought 
it  into  a stern  gravity  beyond  its  years.  One  would 
trust  or  turn  away  at  once,  according  to  the  purpose 
sought.  Kagi  was  not  a man  of  expressed  en- 
thusiasms ; on  the  contrary,  he  was  cold  in  manner, 
and  his  conclusions  were  stamped  with  the  approval 
of  his  intellect.  Mentally,  he  was  the  ablest  of 

those  who  followed  John  Brown  to  Harper’s 

Ferry.” 

Kagi  was  of  Swiss  descent.  He  was  an  only 

son,  born  in  Ohio  in  1835,  so  that  he  was  only 

in  his  twenty-fifth  year  when  he  died.  He  was 
called  to  the  Bar  in  1856. 

The  above  statements  by  his  secretary  may  be 
taken  as  a fairly  accurate  account  of  the  scheme  for 
the  grand  attack  upon  slavery  which  had  gradually 
evolved  itself  in  John  Brown’s  mind. 

A month  later  Brown  left  Ossawattomie,  and  with 
a few  followers  settled  at  Little  Sugar  Creek  in  the 
far  south  of  Kansas,  at  a house  known  as  Bain’s 
Cabin.  This  they  so  strongly  fortified  with  thick 
logs  as  to  make  it  practically  impervious  to  musket 
balls.  A renewal  of  hostilities  was  daily  expected. 
In  November,  during  Brown’s  absence  at  Ossa- 
wattomie, the  sheriff  collected  a force  of  a hundred 
men,  and  marched  to  Bain’s  Cabin  with  the  intention 


124  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


of  arresting  Brown  and  his  men,  and  demolishing 
their  forest  stronghold.  Kagi  and  Stevens  were  the 
only  men  at  home  at  the  moment,  but  many 
neighbours  rallied  quickly  to  their  support,  and  a 
messenger  having  succeeded  in  bringing  Captain 
Montgomery  on  the  scene  with  a contingent 
of  his  men,  the  sheriff  retired  without  firing  a 
shot. 

But  the  Missourians  were  gathering  again  over 
the  border,  and  though  they  quickly  withdrew 
several  miles  inland  on  learning  that  Brown  was 
collecting  his  men,  he  resolved  to  teach  them  a 
salutary  lesson.  He  had  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  only  way  to  stop  their  predatory  incursions 
was  to  show  them  that  their  own  State  could  be 
invaded,  and  that  they  needed  to  attend  to  their 
own  defences.  While  thinking  over  his  method  of 
procedure  an  occasion  presented  itself  exactly  to 
his  mind.  On  Sunday,  igth  December,  a negro 
named  Jim  came  to  Brown’s  cabin  in  great  distress, 
saying  that  he,  his  family  and  a friend  were  about 
to  be  sold  South,  and  implored  Brown  to  rescue 
them  before  it  was  too  late.  On  the  Monday  night 
following,  two  parties  of  twelve  and  eight  men,  under 
Brown  and  Kagi  respectively,  crossed  into  Missouri, 
resolved  to  liberate  as  many  slaves  as  they  could 
find.  Jim  and  four  others  were  liberated  first  by 
Brown’s  party,  and  at  the  next  house  they  released 
five  more,  taking  the  owner  prisoner  lest  he  should 
raise  an  alarm.  Brown  also  took  some  property  as 
wages  for  the  unremunerated  labour  of  the  slaves. 


LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS 


I25 


These  ten  persons  were  liberated  without  blood- 
shed. 

Kagi’s  party  were  not  so  fortunate.  They  only 
succeeded  in  liberating  one  slave,  whose  owner  on 
raising  his  rifle  to  fire  had  been  shot  dead  ; an 
“untoward  incident”  which  marred  the  success  of 
the  joint  undertaking.  The  two  parties  returned  to 
Kansas  without  molestation,  the  liberated  slaves 
being  placed  in  hiding  several  miles  from  the  border 
whilst  Brown  and  Kagi  returned  to  Bain’s  Cabin. 
The  unprecedented  boldness  of  this  inroad  into 
Slave  Territory  spread  consternation  far  and  wide, 
and  in  a few  days  not  a slave  was  to  be  seen  in  the 
two  border  counties  of  Bates  and  Vernon.  Some, 
taking  advantage  of  the  general  confusion,  escaped 
into  Kansas,  others  were  sold  South,  and  the  re- 
mainder were  taken  into  safer  keeping  than  could  be 
found  within  marching  distance  of  Bain’s  Cabin. 
Immediately  a price  was  set  on  Brown’s  head,  and 
both  the  State  authorities  and  the  Central  Executive 
tried  to  effect  his  capture.  But  the  3250  dollars 
conjointly  offered  by  the  Governor  of  Missouri  and 
President  Pierce  failed  to  buy  a traitor.  This  action 
afforded  Brown  an  opportunity  of  exposing  the  gross 
partiality  of  the  authorities,  who  raised  the  hue  and 
cry  immediately  when  slaves  were  in  question,  but 
totally  neglected  to  discharge  their  duties  when  the 
murder  of  a number  of  Free  State  men  was  to  be 
avenged,  as  at  Marais  des  Cygnes.  He  stated  his 
case  in  the  following  characteristic  letter,  which 
appeared  in  several  newspapers. 


126  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


“Trading  Post, 

“ Kansas,  Jariuar$:  1859. 

“Gentlemen, — You  will  greatly  oblige  a humble 
friend  by  allowing  the  use  of  your  columns  while  I 
briefly  state  two  parallels  in  my  poor  way. 

“Not  one  year  ago,  eleven  quiet  citizens  of  this 
neighbourhood,  viz.,  William  Robertson,  William 
Colpetzer,  Amos  Hall,  Austin  Hall,  John  Campbell, 
Asa  Snyder,  Thomas  Stilwell,  William  Hairgrove, 
Asa  Hairgrove,  Patrick  Ross,  and  B.  L.  Reed  were 
gathered  up  from  their  work  and  their  homes  by  an 
armed  force  under  one  Hamilton,  and,  without  trial 
or  opportunity  to  speak  in  their  own  defence,  were 
formed  into  line,  and,  all  but  one,  shot — five  killed 
and  five  wounded.  One  fell  unharmed,  pretending 
to  be  dead.  All  were  left  for  dead.  The  only 
crime  charged  against  them  was  that  of  being  Free 
State  men.  Now,  I inquire,  what  action  has  ever, 
since  the  occurrence  in  May  last,  been  taken  by 
either  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
Governor  of  Missouri,  the  Governor  of  Kansas,  or 
any  of  their  tools,  or  by  any  pro-slavery  or  ad- 
ministration man,  to  ferret  out  and  punish  the 
perpetrators  of  this  crime? 

“ Now  for  the  other  parallel.  On  Sunday,  19th 
December,  a negro  man  called  Jim  came  over  to 
the  Osage  Settlement  from  Missouri,  and  stated 
that  he,  together  with  his  wife,  two  children  and 
another  negro  man,  were  to  be  sold  within  a day 
or  two,  and  begged  for  help  to  get  away.  On 


LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS 


127 


Monday  night  following,  two  small  companies  were 
made  up  to  go  to  Missouri  and  liberate  the  five 
slaves,  together  with  other  slaves.  One  of  these 
companies  I assumed  to  direct.  We  proceeded  to 
.the  place,  surrounded  the  buildings,  liberated  the 
slaves,  and  also  took  certain  property  supposed  to 
belong  to  the  estate.  We,  however,  learned  before 
leaving  that  a portion  of  the  articles  we  had  taken 
belonged  to  a man  living  on  the  plantation  as  a 
tenant,  who  was  supposed  to  have  no  interest  in 
the  estate.  We  promptly  returned  to  him  all  we 
had  taken. 

“We  then  went  to  another  plantation,  where  we 
found  five  more  slaves,  took  some  property  and 
two  white  men.  We  moved  all  slowly  away  into 
the  Territory  for  some  distance,  and  then  sent  the 
white  men  back,  telling  them  to  follow  us  as  soon 
as  they  chose  to  do  so.  The  other  company  freed 
one  female  slave,  took  some  property,  and,  as  I am 
informed,  killed  one  white  man  (the  master),  who 
fought  against  the  liberation. 

“Now  for  a comparison.  Eleven  persons  are 
forcibly  restored  to  their  natural  and  inalienable 
rights,  with  but  one  man  killed,  and  all  ‘ hell  is 
stirred  from  beneath.’  It  is  currently  reported 
that  the  Governor  of  Missouri  has  made  a requisi- 
tion upon  the  Governor  of  Kansas  for  the  delivery 
of  all  such  as  were  concerned  in  the  last-named 
‘ dreadful  outrage.’  The  marshal  of  Kansas  is 
said  to  be  collecting  a posse  of  Missouri  (not 
Kansas)  men  at  West  Point  in  Missouri,  a little 


128  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


town  about  ten  miles  distant,  to  ‘enforce  the 
laws.’  All  pro  - slavery,  conservative  Free  State 
and  dough-face  men  and  administration  tools  are 
filled  with  holy  horror. 

“ Consider  the  two  cases,  and  the  action  of  the 
administration  party. — Respectfully  yours, 

“John  Brown.” 

Shortly  after  writing  the  above  letter,  Brown 
set  out,  with  his  convoy  of  slaves,  on  a long  and 
tedious  journey  of  over  2500  miles  — through 
Nebraska,  Iowa,  Illinois,  Indiana  and  Michigan — 
to  Canada.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Act  was  in  opera- 
tion, and  every  inducement  was  offered  to  men  with 
anti  - Abolitionist  sympathies  to  secure  his  arrest. 
His  life  was  in  constant  imminent  peril,  and  it  is 
a marvel  he  got  through  safely.  But  his  reputa- 
tion as  a stern  fighter  was  so  well  known,  and  Dame 
Rumour,  according  to  her  wont,  had  so  exaggerated 
his  prowess,  that  few  dared  to  interfere  with  him, 
and  when  they  did  they  seemed  ever  to  have  one 
eye  on  their  line  of  retreat,  as  will  shortly  appear. 

Brown  had  now  entered  upon  the  last  year  of 
his  life,  and  this  was  his  final  departure  from  Kansas. 
His  destiny  was  calling  him  on  to  greater  and  more 
perilous  deeds,  in  which  he  was  to  obtain  the  honour 
of  martyrdom  for  the  cause  he  loved  better  than  life. 
Could  he  have  lived  until  January  1861  he  would  have 
seen  one  of  the  great  objects  of  his  life  accomplished 
- — for  which  he  had  suffered  so  terribly  in  his  family 
and  person  — by  the  admission  of  Kansas  to  the 


LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS 


129 


Union  as  a Free  State,  thus  ending,  once  for  all, 
the  border  conflict.  Probably  to  him,  more  than 
to  any  other  man,  Kansas  is  indebted  for  her  clean 
record  on  the  slavery  question. 

His  departure  was  delayed  for  a few  days  at 
Ossawattomie  by  the  birth  of  a little  negro  boy, 
who  was  exultingly  named  “Captain  John  Brown.” 
Once  started  on  the  journey,  constant  care  and 
vigilance  were  necessary,  and  great  must  have 
been  the  strain  upon  both  the  physical,  mental 
and  moral  resources  of  the  leader  of  the  little 
band.  But  though  enemies  were  numerous,  friends 
also  were  to  be  found,  who  ungrudgingly  assisted 
the  enterprise.  Webb  quotes  a letter  to  Mrs  Child, 
the  authoress,  from  a settler  who  rode  with  Brown 
the  first  500  miles  of  the  journey.  This  brave 
fellow,  whose  name  unfortunately  does  not  appear, 
had  to  ride  back  alone,  “ much  of  the  way  through 
mud  up  to  the  horse’s  knees.” 

He  says:  “On  the  24th  January  1859  Captain 
Brown  came  near  to  Lawrence,  with  his  eleven 
emigrants  from  Missouri,  and  I joined  him.  We 
travelled  by  way  of  Topeka,  northward  through 
Nebraska. 

“About  thirty-seven  miles  from  Topeka  we 
entered  a vacant  log-cabin,  belonging  to  an 
excellent  man,  who  was  a warm  friend  of  Captain 
Brown.  Our  party  consisted  at  this  time  only  of 
the  Captain,  myself,  and  a man  known  by  the 
name  of  Whipple  in  Kansas,  but  afterwards  as 
Stevens  at  Harper’s  Ferry.  Kagi  and  Tidd  had 

I 


130  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


stayed  behind  at  Topeka,  to  procure  provisions 
for  our  journey,  and  our  teamster  had  been  sent 
back  to  bring  them  along.  While  waiting  for 
them  to  rejoin  us,  we  found  ourselves  surrounded 
by  a band  of  human  bloodhounds,  headed  by  the 
notorious  deputy-marshal  of  the  United  States,  J. 
N.  O.  P.  Wood.  I afterwards  learned  that  he  was 
put  on  our  track  by  a traitor  from  New  Hamp- 
shire named  Hussey. 

“ Mr  Whipple  lived  alone  in  a small,  empty 
cabin  near  the  one  we  occupied.  There  had  been 
heavy  rains  which  produced  a freshet ; and  one 
day  he  walked  a short  distance  from  the  cabin 
to  ascertain  whether  the  waters  had  subsided. 
Suddenly,  eight  of  the  marshal’s  men  came  upon 
him,  and  asked  him  if  he  had  seen  any  negroes 
thereabout.  He  told  them  if  they  would  come 
with  him  he  would  show  them  some.  He  con- 
ducted them  to  his  cabin,  where  he  had  left  his 
rifle.  He  came  out  immediately  and  pointed  his 
rifle  at  the  leader,  commanding  him  to  surrender, 
which  he  did  at  once.  The  other  men  put  spurs 
into  their  horses  and  rode  off  as  fast  as  possible. 
At  that  time  I was  sole  bodyguard  of  Captain 
Brown,  the  eleven  fugitives,  and  the  prisoner  who 
had  surrendered.  Whipple  kept  a sharp  look-out, 
acting  as  our  sentry.  We  were  detained  at  this 
place  about  three  days.  At  last  our  provisions 
arrived,  and  we  were  joined  by  a band  of  Topeka 
boys,  who  had  walked  thirty-seven  miles  in  the 
night  to  aid  us  in  our  enterprise.  We  started  on 


LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS  13 1 

our  journey.  A short  distance  from  our  road  was 
Muddy  Creek.  Marshal  Wood,  supposing  our 
party  must  pass  that  way,  stationed  himself  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  Creek,  with  his  eighty 
armed  men.  They  had  made  careful  prepara- 
tions, well  knowing  that  it  was  no  joke  to  attack 
‘old  John  Brown.’  Captain  Brown  had  with  him 
only  twenty-three  white  men,  all  told.  He  placed 
them  in  double  file  in  front  of  the  emigrant 
waggons,  and  said:  ‘Now  go  straight  at  ’em, 
boys  ! They’ll  be  sure  to  run  ! ’ 

“ In  obedience  to  this  order,  they  marched  towards 
the  Creek  ; but  scarcely  had  the  foremost  entered 
the  water,  when  the  valiant  United  States  marshal 
mounted  his  horse  and  rode  off  in  hot  haste.  His 
men  followed  as  fast  as  possible ; but  they  were  not 
all  as  lucky  as  he  was  in  untying  their  horses  from 
the  stumps  and  bushes.  The  scene  was  ridiculous 
beyond  description.  Some  horses  were  hastily 
mounted  by  two  men.  One  man  grabbed  tight  hold 
of  the  tail  of  a horse,  trying  to  leap  on  from  behind, 
while  the  rider  was  putting  spurs  into  his  sides ; so 
he  went  flying  through  the  air,  his  feet  touching  the 
ground  now  and  then.  Those  of  our  men  who  had 
horses  followed  them  about  six  miles,  and  brought 
back  with  them  four  prisoners  and  five  horses. 
Meanwhile,  Captain  Brown  and  the  rest  of  his 
company  succeeded  in  drawing  the  emigrant  waggons 
through  the  Creek,  by  means  of  long  ropes.  This 
battle  of  Muddy  Creek  was  known  ever  after,  in 
Kansas,  by  the  name  of  ‘ the  battle  of  the  spurs.’  ” 


1 32  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

The  four  prisoners  Brown  compelled  to  walk,  on 
resuming  his  journey,  lest  they  should  escape,  giving 
their  horses  to  the  “ Topeka  boys  ” who  had  come 
to  his  help.  But,  “as  he  meant  them  no  unkindness, 
he  would  walk  with  them,”  which  he  at  once  did, 
admonishing  them  on  “the  wickedness  of  slavery 
and  the  meanness  of  slave-hunting.”  They  gave 
vent  to  their  feelings  in  round  volleys  of  oaths,  for 
which  Brown  promptly  rebuked  them.  “ Gentlemen,” 
he  said,  “ you  do  very  wrong  to  thus  take  the  name 
of  God  in  vain.  Besides,  it  is  very  foolish ; for  if  there 
is  a God  you  can  gain  nothing  by  such  profanity ; 
and  if  there  is  no  God,  how  foolish  it  is  to  ask  God’s 
curses  on  anything.”  When  he  released  them  the 
next  morning  they  demanded  their  horses  and 
weapons.  “No,”  said  he,  “your  legs  will  carry  you 
as  fast  as  you  want  to  run.  You  won’t  find  any  more 
old  Browns  between  this  and  Atchison  ” — the 
Missourian  town  from  which  they  had  come.  After 
Harper’s  Ferry  one  of  them  said  of  him  that  although 
a monomaniac  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  he  was  a 
brave  and  honest  man,  and  that  “John  Brown  was 
the  best  man  he  had  ever  met,  and  knew  more  about 
religion.” 

For  three  months  the  little  band  held  steadily  on 
its  way,  now  and  then  hospitably  entertained,  at 
other  times  looked  upon  with  coldness  and  sus- 
picion, anon  assisted  by  collections  at  churches,  then 
threatened  by  armed  parties  who  were  in  pursuit  of 
them,  until  at  last  they  reached  Canada  in  safety, 
not  one  fugitive  having  been  lost  by  the  way.  Well 


LAST  VISIT  TO  KANSAS 


i33 


might  Brown  say  : “ Now,  Lord,  permit  Thy  servant 
to  die  in  peace  ; for  mine  eyes  have  seen  Thy  salva- 
tion!” He  added  : “I  could  not  brook  the  thought 
that  any  ill  should  befall  you,  least  of  all  that  you 
should  be  taken  back  to  slavery.  The  arm  of  Jehovah 
protected  us.”  It  had  indeed  been  a trying  expedi- 
tion for  Brown,  and  through  it  all  he  had  suffered 
from  weakness  and  ill-health.  Jacob  Willets  of 
Topeka,  Kansas,  testifies  that  in  the  early  days  of 
the  expedition  Brown  appealed  to  him  for  help  for 
the  slaves,  who  were  poorly  clad.  As  he  spoke 
Willets  noticed  that  Brown  shivered  a good  deal, 
and  that  his  legs  trembled  under  him.  Finding  that 
Brown  had  on  only  a pair  of  thin  cotton  “pantaloons,” 
he  insisted  on  giving  him  some  new  underclothing 
he  had  just  purchased,  which  Brown  was  reluctant 
to  accept.  His  first  thought  was  for  others. 

They  crossed  over  from  Detroit,  Michigan,  into 
Canada  on  12th  March,  where,  “under  the  paw  of 
the  lion,”  as  Brown  expressed  it,  they  were  free. 
They  speedily  found  employment,  and  subsequent 
accounts  of  their  progress  were  all  that  could  be 
desired.  When  his  sentence  of  death  was  read  out 
to  them,  two  of  the  women  declared  they  would 
gladly  die  in  his  place.  And  one  remarked,  “ If  the 
Bible  was  true,  John  Brown  practised  most  of  it  here, 
so  he  would  be  rewarded  by  the  ‘Old  Master’  up 
higher  with  greater  happiness.” 

According  to  Wendell  Phillips:  “When  he 
had  passed  his  human  proteges  from  the  vulture  of 
the  United  States  to  the  safe  shelter  of  the  English 


i34  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


lion,  this  brave,  frank  and  sublime  truster  in  God’s 
right  and  absolute  justice  entered  his  name  in  the 
City  of  Cleveland  — ‘John  Brown  of  Kansas’ — 
advertised  the  horses  for  sale,  and  stood  in  front 
of  the  auctioneer’s  stand,  notifying  all  bidders  of 
the  defect  in  the  title.  ‘ But,’  he  added,  with  non- 
chalance when  he  told  the  story,  ‘ they  brought  a 
very  excellent  price.’” 

Summing  up  his  motives  for  this  brave  deed,  Brown 
said  : “ Do  not  allow  anyone  to  say  I acted  from 

revenge.  I claim  no  man  has  a right  to  revenge 
himself.  It  is  a feeling  that  does  not  enter  into 
my  heart.  What  I do,  I do  for  the  cause  of  human 
liberty,  and  because  I regard  it  as  necessary.” 


* , 


BUNKER  CHURCH  WHERE  JOHN  BROWN  PREACHED  ON  THE  SUNDAY 
NIGHT  OF  THE  RAID. 


CHAPTER  IX 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS 

From  the  beginning  of  April  to  the  end  of  September 
1859  we  have  but  a scanty  knowledge  of  the  move- 
ments of  Brown  and  his  associates.  During  the  early 
part  of  April  he  was  lying  ill  of  a fever  at  his  eldest 
son’s  house,  Ashtabula  County,  Ohio.  After  his 
recovery  we  find  him  at  Rochester,  where  he  ad- 
dressed a public  meeting,  and  secured  the  services  of 
one  of  the  bravest  of  his  band,  a negro  named  Shields 
Green.  In  May,  Brown  visited  Boston,  making 
careful  inquiries  into  the  manufacture  of  biscuits  and 
beef  meal,  and  in  J une,  after  completing  the  previously- 
mentioned  contract  for  pikes  at  Collinsville,  Connec- 
ticut, by  the  payment  of  the  balance  of  300  dollars, 
he  returned  to  Ashtabula  County.  During  these 
journeys  it  seems  certain  that  he  was  collecting 
funds  for  his  enterprise,  and  taking  into  his  confid- 
ence, as  far  as  seemed  advisable,  prominent  Aboli- 
tionists in  the  towns  he  visited.  Two  other  sons — 
Watson,  aged  twenty-four,  and  Oliver,  about  twenty 
— were  also  in  Ohio.  They  both  fell  by  his  side  at 
Harper’s  Ferry.  A letter  written  by  Oliver  to  his 

*35 


136  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


young  wife  at  this  time  supplies  us  with,  a few 
particulars  of  their  condition. 

“West  Andover, 
“Ashtabula  County,  Ohio, 
i 8 th  June  1859. 

“My  dear  Wife, — I write  to  let  you  know  that 
we  have  arrived  here  sound  and  well,  and  in  good 
spirits.  We  have  met  with  great  encouragement 
since  we  left  home.  We  found  John  and  his  folks  in 
good  health.  The  frost  has  been  much  more  severe 
here  than  at  North  Elba.  Thousands  of  acres  of 
wheat  and  rye  are  entirely  ruined  by  it ; the  leaves 
on  the  maple  and  hickory  trees  are  falling,  as  if  it 
were  Fall.  The  season  is  much  more  forward  here ; 
haymaking  has  commenced,  and  the  grass  is  very 
good.  I send  you  a photograph  of  myself.  Oh, 
Martha,  I would  give  everything  if  I could  have  your 
picture.  Do  not  fail  of  having  it  taken  while  I am 
gone,  should  you  have  an  opportunity.  You  don’t 
know  how  I value  that  lock  of  hair.  There  may  yet 
be  an  opportunity  to  send  a picture  to  me.  I send 
you  two  dollars,  which  1 cannot  be  satisfied  to  keep. 
I also  send  you  a small  book.  Heaven  bless  you, 
my  dear  Martha. — Your  affectionate  husband, 

“ Oliver  Brown. 

" P.S. — I have  concluded  to  send  you  another  copy 
of  my  picture,  which  is  pasted  upon  a board  and 
intended  to  be  put  into  a frame  for  a wall  picture. 
These  two  you  will  please  keep,  as  I may  want  some 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS 


T37 


day  to  see  how  I looked  when  I was  young.  I would 
send  more  for  the  rest  of  the  family,  but  have  not  the 
means,  as  thirty  cents  is  all  the  cash  I can  command. 

“ I very  much  like  the  people  here  ; they  are 
liberal-minded,  whole-souled  people.  I am  told  that 
in  no  country  in  the  world  is  there  so  great  a propor- 
tion of  ‘ infidels  ’ ; and  also  that  it  would  be  equally 
hard  to  find  a country  where  there  is  so  much 
comfort,  thrift,  intelligence,  morality,  and  progressive 
and  reform  sentiment.  I look  upon  the  development 
of  such  a people  as  the  most  important  and  encourag- 
ing fact  I know  of.  Much  has  the  spirit  of  emigra- 
tion done  for  all  these  Western  States ; it  is  the 
growing  progressive  spirit.  He  certainly  must  be  a 
very  shallow  observer  and  superficial  reasoner  who 
is  ever  crying  over  the  folly  of  those  who  would 
move  to  better  their  condition.  It  was  just  such 
folly-stricken  people  who  have  developed  the  whole 
western  world,  and  are  now  knocking  the  scales 
from  the  eyes  of  the  conservative  blind. — Again 
I am  affectionately  your  husband, 

“ Oliver  Brown.” 

The  so-called  “ infidels  ” referred  to  in  the  P.S. 
were  men  who  had  withdrawn  from  membership  in 
Christian  Churches  because  the  said  Churches  sup- 
ported slavery.  They  were  ardent  Abolitionists,  who 
could  not  reconcile  such  support  with  their  sense  of 
right,  or  with  their  conception  of  Christianity. 

In  June,  Brown  was  busy  at  Chambersburg, 
Pennsylvania,  establishing  a depot  of  arms  and 


138  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

stores.  Towards  the  end  of  the  month,  with  his  two 
sons,  he  crossed  into  Maryland,  to  Hagerstown, 
where  they  registered  themselves  as  “ Smith  and 
two  sons  from  Western  New  York.”  They  said 
they  were  on  the  look-out  for  a farm  in  Virginia 
suitable  for  raising  sheep.  The  next  day  they 
drove  over  to  Harper’s  Ferry,  and  after  spending 
two  or  three  days  in  careful  examination  of  the 
neighbouring  mountains,  they  hired  a large  farm 
with  three  unoccupied  houses,  whose  owner,  Dr 
Kennedy,  had  recently  died.  It  was  situated  on  the 
Maryland  side  of  the  river,  about  five  miles  from 
Harper’s  Ferry.  They  paid  the  rent  in  advance, 
up  to  March  i860,  bought  a number  of  hogs  from 
the  family,  and  agreed  to  take  care  of  the  stock 
until  a sale  could  be  held.  This  undertaking  was 
^scrupulously  fulfilled. 

In  a few  weeks  they  were  joined  by  others  of 
their  party,  until  at  one  time  the  neighbouring 
families — of  whom  some  half-dozen  were  within 
hail — noticed  no  less  than  twelve  men  on  the 
premises.  Brown’s  daughter  Anne,  a young  girl 
of  fifteen,  also  arrived,  and  with  her  Martha,  the 
young  wife  of  Oliver.  They  remained  until  the 
middle  of  September,  when  they  returned  to  North 
Elba.  It  needed  great  caution  to  remove  their  large 
stores  of  arms  and  ammunition  from  Chambersburg 
to  the  farm  without  exciting  suspicion.  And  with 
all  their  precautions  they  were  not  entirely  successful. 
According  to  Oliver  P.  Anderson,  one  of  the  band, 
whose  Voice  from  Harper's  Ferry,  published  in 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS 


*39 


Boston  in  1861,  supplies  many  interesting  details: — 
“ The  Captain  laboured  and  travelled  night  and  day, 
sometimes  on  old  Dolly,  his  brown  mule,  and  some- 
times in  the  waggon.  He  would  start  directly  after 
night  (fall),  and  travel  the  fifty  miles  between  the 
farm  and  Chambersburg  by  daylight  next  morning  ; 
and  he  otherwise  kept  open  communication  between 
headquarters  and  the  latter  place,  in  order  that 
matters  jnight  be  arranged  in  due  season.”  He 
adds  that  during  their  stay  at  the  farm  their  feelings 
of  hostility  to  slavery  were  deepened  by  four  violent 
deaths  among  slaves  in  their  immediate  neighbour- 
hood. “ At  Harper’s  Ferry  there  was  no  milk-and- 
water  sentimentality,  no  offensive  contempt  for  the 
negro  while  working  in  his  cause;  the  pulsations  of 
each  and  every  heart  beat  in  harmony  for  the 
suffering  and  pleading  slave.  I thank  God  that  I 
have  been  permitted  to  realise  to  its  furthest,  fullest 
extent  the  social  harmony  of  an  anti-slavery  family, 
carrying  out  to  the  letter  the  principles  of  its  ante- 
type,  the  anti-slavery  cause.  In  John  Brown’s  house, 
and  in  John  Brown’s  presence,  men  from  widely 
different  parts  of  the  Continent  met  and  united  in 
one  company,  wherein  no  hateful  prejudice  dared 
intrude  its  ugly  self — no  ghost  of  a distinction  found 
space  to  enter.  Every  morning,  when  the  old  man 
was  at  home,  he  called  the  family  around,  read  from 
his  Bible,  and  offered  to  God  most  fervent  and 
touching  supplications  for  all  flesh  ; and  especially 
pathetic  were  his  petitions  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed. 
I never  heard  John  Brown  pray  that  he  did  not 


i4o  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

make  strong  appeals  to  God  for  the  deliverance  of 
the  slave.” 

This  duty  done,  the  men  retired  to  the  loft,  where 
they  remained  in  confinement  during  the  day,  only 
venturing  abroad  at  night,  lest  they  should  excite  the 
suspicions  of  their  neighbours.  They  passed  the 
dreary  hours  as  best  they  could,  studying  Forbes’s 
Manual , and  going  through  a quiet  drill  under 
Stevens.  Conversation  could  only  be  conducted  in 
whispers,  and  at  times  the  men  became  almost  des- 
perate. “ At  such  times  neither  slavery  nor  slave- 
holders were  discussed  mincingly.”  As  long  as 
Brown’s  daughter  and  daughter-in-law  remained  they 
relieved  their  ennui  with  numerous  little  acts  of 
kindness — bringing  them  fruits  and  wild  flowers — 
which  the  survivors  afterwards  gratefully  remem- 
bered. 

“ During  his  residence  at  Kennedy  Farm,”  wrote 
another  of  the  men,  “ Brown  used  often  to  take  his 
Bible,  sit  down  on  a stool  in  the  corner  near  the 
door,  read  a chapter  and  then  make  prayer.  He 
always  did  so  in  the  morning.  We  never  ate  a meal 
at  headquarters  until  a blessing  was  asked  on  it.” 

Between  the  departure  of  the  two  young  women  in 
the  middle  of  September,  and  Saturday  15th  October, 
when  the  little  band  of  heroes  held  the  last  council 
meeting,  we  have  little  information  of  a special 
character  beyond  that  contained  in  the  following 
letters,  written  to  their  respective  wives  by  the  two 
devoted  sons  of  John  Brown.  As  will  be  seen  by 
the  concluding  sentence  of  Watson’s  last  letter,  the 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS 


141 

shadow  of  their  coming  doom  seemed  already  to  be 
resting  upon  them. 


Oliver’s  Second  Letter  to  his  Wife. 

“ Home,  9 th  October  1859. 

“My  dear  Martha, — Having  opportunity  to 
write  you  once  more,  I improve  it  with  the  greatest 
pleasure  to  myself  and  with  the  hope  of  pleasing  you. 
I arrived  here  two  days  sooner  than  father  and 
Watson.  They  have  gone  back  once  more.  We  are 
all  well  at  present.  You  can  hardly  think  how  I 
want  to  see  you,  or  how  lonesome  I was  the  day  I 
left  you.  That  day  I never  shall  forget.  I passed 
some  good  resolutions  on  my  way  to  New  York. 
I mean  to  live  up  to  them.  Nothing  else  could 
strengthen  me  to-  do  the  right  so  much  as  the 
thought  of  you.  It  is  when  I look  at  your  picture 
that  I am  wholly  ashamed  of  my  every  meanness, 
weakness  and  folly.  I would  not  part  with  that 
picture  for  anything  on  earth — but  the  original. 
I have  made  a morocco  case  for  it,  and  carry  it 
close  around  my  body.  I am  more  and  more  de- 
termined every  day  to  live  a more  unselfish  life. 

“ Now,  Martha,  you  can  hardly  conceive  my  great 
anxiety  about  you  in  your  present  situation,  and 
you  will  certainly  allow  me  to  suggest  some  ideas 
to  you  for  your  own  good.  Let  me  ask  you  to 
try  to  keep  up  good,  cheerful  spirits.  Take  plenty 
of  sleep  and  rest ; plenty  of  out-door  exercise. 


1 42  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PE  OWN 


Bathe  often.  And  finally,  do  read  good  books, 
such  as  Parker’s  Sermons  and  Combe’s  Constitution 
of  Man.  These  books  will  do  much  to  keep  you 
from  being  lonesome. 

“ Finally,  Martha,  do  try  to  enjoy  yourself. 
Make  the  most  of  everything. — Remember  your 
affectionate  husband, 

“ Oliver  Brown.” 


Watson  Brown  to  his  Wife,  (i.) 

“Chambersburg,  3 rd.  September  1859. 

“Dear  Bell, — You  can  guess  how  I long  to  see 
you  only  by  knowing  how  you  wish  to  see  me.  I 
think  of  you  all  day  and  dream  of  you  at  night. 
I would  gladly  come  home  and  stay  with  you 
always,  but  for  that  which  brought  me  here  — a 
desire  to  do  something  for  others,  and  not  to  live 
wholly  for  my  own  happiness.  I am  at  home,  five 
miles  north  of  Harper’s  Ferry,  in  an  old  house  on 
the  Kennedy  Farm,  where  we  keep  some  of  our 
things.  Four  of  us  sleep  here.  I came  here  to  be 
alone.  I was  at  Chambersburg  a few  days  ago, 
and  wrote  you  a few  lines  from  there.  I am  begin- 
ning to  look  for  a letter  from  you.  It  is  now  dark 
and  I am  all  alone.  But  I have  some  good  company. 
I have  just  received  your  letter  of  30th  August, 
and  you  may  well  think  I am  glad  to  hear  from  you. 
You  may  kiss  the  baby  a good  many  times  every 
day  for  me.  I am  thinking  of  you  and  him  all  the 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS 


*43 


time.  Tell  Salmon  that  I know  better  how  to 
pity  him  for  having  to  stay  at  home  than  he  does 
me  for  being  away.  Tell  him  to  keep  a stiff  upper 
lip. 

“ Bell,  nothing  but  the  object  before  me  could 
keep  me  from  you.  It  is  hard  for  you,  no  doubt, 
and  I hope  it  will  not  last  long ; though  I have 
no  thought  of  backing  out  till  I see  the  thing  well 
a-going. 

“ Give  my  respects  to  all,  and  answer  this  as  soon 
as  you  can,  and  tell  me  all  the  news. — Yours  for 
ever,  WATSON.” 

Watson  Brown  to  his  Wife.  (2.) 

“ 16  th  September. 

“ Dear  Wife, — As  I may  not  have  an  opportunity 
to  write  to  you  for  some  time,  I improve  this.  I 
received  your  letter  of  14th  September  the  night  the 
girls  got  home,  which  I was  very  glad  to  get.  O, 
Bell,  I do  want  to  see  you  and  the  little  fellow,  born 
during  his  father’s  absence,  very  much,  but  I must 
wait.  There  was  a slave  near  here  whose  wife  was 
sold  off  South  the  other  day,  and  he  was  found  in 
Thomas  Kennedy’s  orchard,  dead,  the  next  morning. 
Cannot  come  home  so  long  as  such  things  are  done 
here.  We  have  only  two  black  men  with  us  as  yet, 
but  expect  more.  One  of  these  has  a wife  and  seven 
children  in  slavery.  I sometimes  feel  as  though  I 
could  not  make  this  sacrifice,  but  what  would  I not 


M4  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

want  others  to  do  were  I in  their  place  ! I find  that, 
always  to  live  at  home  and  among  one’s  friends  is 
never  to  know  how  much  we  love  them.  Keep  up 
good  courage,  in  spite  of  the  cold  weather;  and  keep 
the  baby  warm.  Write  often,  as  father  directs  ; and 
I will  do  as  well  as  I can  about  writing.  It  does  me 
good  to  have  you  say  you  think  of  me,  although  I 
know  it. — Ever  your  husband, 

“ Watson  Brown.” 

Watson  Brown  to  his  Wife.  (3.) 

“ CHAMBERSBURG,  14 th  October  1859. 

“ Dear  Wife, — I am  again  here,  and  have  another 
opportunity  to  write.  We  are  all  well  here  and  at 
home.  We  leave  here  this  afternoon  or  to-morrow  for 
the  last  time.  You  will  probably  hear  from  us  very 
soon  after  getting  this,  if  not  before. 

“ The  weather  is  very  fine  here.  We  had  a slight 
frost  last  Monday  and  Tuesday  nights.  We  have  some 
addition  to  our  family  since  the  girls  left.  We  are  all 
eager  for  the  work  and  confident  of  success.  There  was 
another  murder  committed  near  our  place  the  other 
day,  making  in  all  five  murders  and  one  suicide,  within 
five  miles  of  our  place,  since  we  have  lived  here ; they 
were  all  slaves  too.  Tell  Salmon  that  we  should  be 
very  "glad  of  his  company,  but  he  must  keep  cool 
where  he  is,  and  be  sure  to  write  when  he  knows 
where  to  direct.  O,  Bell,  I would  give  a good  deal 
for  your  picture.  If  you  have  an  opportunity  to  get 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS 


i45 


it  taken,  I wish  you  would,  and  send  it  to  me.  Give 
my  regards  to  all  the  friends,  and  keep  up  good 
courage,  there  is  a better  day  a-coming.  I can  but 
commend  you  to  yourself  and  your  friends  if  I 
should  never  see  you  again. — From  your  affectionate 
husband,  Watson  Brown.” 

When  visiting  Frederick  Douglass  earlier  in  the 
year  Brown  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  Shields 
Green,  a fugitive  slave  from  South  Carolina.  He  was 
a man  of  few  words,  but  Brown,  seeing  in  him  a man 
of  courage  and  determination,  had  communicated  to 
him  his  plans  and  hopes,  and  received  from  Green 
a promise  to  join  in  the  enterprise  whenever  his 
services  were  needed.  During  one  of  his  journeys  to 
Chambersburg  to  remove  the  arms  to  Kennedy’s 
Farm,  Brown  arranged  for  an  interview  with 
Douglass,  and  asked  him  to  bring  Green  with  him. 
They  met  in  an  old  stone  quarry  near  Chambersburg. 
Brown,  who  had  Kagi  with  him,  being  ostensibly 
engaged  in  fishing  in  the  neighbouring  stream. 
“ He  looked  every  way  like  a man  of  the  neighbour- 
hood,” says  Douglass,  “ and  as  much  at  home  as  any 
of  the  farmers  around  there.  His  hat  was  old  and 
storm-beaten,  and  his  clothing  about  the  colour 
of  the  stone  quarry  itself.  His  face  wore  an 
anxious  expression,  and  he  was  much  worn  by 
thought  and  exposure.” 

The  account  of  the  interview  is  continued  in 
Douglass’s  own  words : “ Captain  Brown,  Kagi, 

Shields  Green  and  myself  sat  down  among  the 

K 


x46  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


rocks,  and  talked  over  the  enterprise  about  to  be 
undertaken.  The  taking  of  Harper’s  Ferry,  of 
which  Brown  had  merely  hinted  before,  was  now 
declared  his  settled  purpose,  and  he  wanted  to  know 
what  I thought  of  it.  I at  once  opposed  it 
with  all  the  arguments  at  my  command.  To  me, 
such  a measure  would  be  fatal  to  running  off  slaves 
(the  original  plan),  and  fatal  to  all  engaged.  It 
would  be  an  attack  on  the  Federal  Government,  and 
would  array  the  whole  country  against  us.  Captain 
Brown  did  most  of  the  talking  on  the  other  side. 
He  did  not  at  all  object  to  rousing  the  nation ; 
it  seemed  to  him  that  something  startling  was 
needed.  He  had  completely  renounced  his  old  plan, 
and  thought  that  the  capture  of  Harper’s  Ferry 
would  serve  as  notice  to  the  slaves  that  their  friends 
had  come,  and  as  a trumpet  to  rally  them  to  his 
standard.  I was  no  match  for  him  in  such  matters, 
but  I told  him  that  all  his  arguments,  and  all  his 
descriptions  of  the  place,  convinced  me  that  he  was 
going  into  a perfect  steel  trap,  and  that  once  in 
he  would  never  get  out  alive  ; he  would  be  sur- 
rounded at  once,  and  escape  would  be  impossible. 
He  was  not  to  be  shaken,  but  treated  my  views 
respectfully,  replying  that  even  if  surrounded  he 
would  find  means  to  cut  his  way  out.  But  that 
would  not  be  forced  upon  him  ; he  would  have  the 
best  citizens  of  the  neighbourhood  as  prisoners  at 
the  start,  and,  holding  them  as  hostages,  should  be 
able  to  dictate  terms  of  egress  from  the  town.  I told 
him  that  Virginia  would  blow  him  and  his  hostages 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS 


i47 


sky-high  rather  than  that  he  should  hold  Harper’s 
Ferry  an  hour.  Our  talk  was  long  and  earnest  ; we 
spent  the  most  of  Saturday  and  a part  of  Sunday 
in  this  debate — Brown  for  Harper’s  Ferry,  and  I 
against  it ; he  for  striking  a blow  which  should 
instantly  rouse  the  country,  and  I for  the  policy  of 
gradually  and  unaccountably  drawing  off  the  slaves 
to  the  mountains,  as  at  first  suggested  and  proposed 
by  him.  When  I found  that  he  had  fully  made  up 
his  mind  and  could  not  be  dissuaded,  I turned  to 
Green  and  told  him  he  heard  what  Captain  Brown 
had  said  ; his  old  plan  was  changed,  and  I should 
return  home,  if  he  wished  to  go  with  me  he  could  do 
so.  Captain  Brown  urged  us  both  to  go  with  him. 
In  parting,  he  put  his  arms  around  me  in  a manner 
more  than  friendly,  and  said : ‘ Come  with  me, 

Douglass ; I will  defend  you  with  my  life.  I want 
you  for  a special  purpose.  When  I strike,  the  bees 
will  begin  to  swarm,  and  I shall  want  you  to  help 
hive  them.’  When  about  to  leave  I asked  Green 
what  he  had  decided  to  do,  and  was  surprised  by 
his  saying  in  his  broken  way,  ‘ I b’lieve  I’ll  go  wid  de 
ole  man.’  ” 

Bravo,  fugitive  slave ! This  decision  shall  in 
three  short  months  add  the  name  of  Shields  Green  to 
the  noble  army  of  martyrs  “ in  Freedom’s  cause.” 

And  yet  again.  During  the  fight  at  Harper’s 
Ferry,  Green  was  sent  with  a message  by  Captain 
Brown  to  Osborne  Anderson,  and  Hazlett  in  the 
arsenal  on  the  Potomac.  They  had  by  this  time 
decided  that  their  attempt  had  failed,  and  they  must 


148  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

seek  safety  in  flight,  an  attempt  in  which  Anderson 
succeeded  although  Hazlett  failed.  Anderson  urged 
Green  to  escape  with  them.  He  turned  and  looked 
towards  the  engine-house  where  Brown  and  his  few 
men  were. 

“ You  think  der’s  no  chance,  Osborne  ? ” 

“ Not  one,”  was  the  reply. 

“And  de  ole  Captain  can’t  get  away?” 

“ No,”  said  both  men. 

“Well,”  with  a long  look  and  slow  utterance,  “ I 
guess  I’ll  go  back  to  de  ole  man.” 

Remember  Shields  Green,  the  negro  ! 

It  seems  to  have  been  Brown’s  original  intention 
to  deliver  his  attack  on  24th  October,  but  rumours 
of  the  issue  of  a search  warrant  to  examine  his 
premises  were  afloat,  and  this  fact,  or  the  fear  of 
treachery,  decided  him  to  take  action  a week 
earlier.  This  would  deprive  him  of  some  expected 
assistance,  but  he  preferred  to  risk  that  rather  than 
the  other  alternative.  He  was  buoyed  up  with  the 
hope  that  once  the  standard  was  raised,  slaves  would 
flock  readily  around  him,  and  put  him  in  a powerful 
position.  After  a hurried  visit  to  Baltimore,  Brown 
returned  to  Kennedy  Farm  on  14th  October.  The 
next  day,  Saturday,  their  last  council  was  held, 
when  they  discussed  their  plans  in  detail.  The 
conference  was  continued  the  next  day,  and  as  it 
broke  up  before  the  march  to  Harper’s  Ferry, 
Brown  addressed  to  his  men  these  last  words : — 

“And  now,  gentlemen,  let  me  press  one  thing  on 
your  minds.  You  all  know  how  dear  life  is  to  you, 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS 


149 


and  how  dear  your  lives  are  to  your  friends,  and 
in  remembering  that,  consider  that  the  lives  of 
others  are  as  dear  to  them  as  yours  are  to  you.  Do 
not,  therefore,  take  the  life  of  any  man  if  you  can 
possibly  avoid  it;  but  if  it  is  necessary  to  take  life  in 
order  to  save  your  own,  then  make  sure  work  of  it.” 


CHAPTER  X 


harper’s  ferry 

Harper’s  Ferry  was  so  called  from  Robert 
Harper,  an  English  millwright,  who  obtained  a 
grant  of  the  land  in  1748  from  Lord  Fairfax. 
It  is  said  to  have  been  selected  as  the  site  for  the 
national  armoury  by  Washington  himself  in 
1794. 

According  to  a contemporary  description  by  a 
Virginian  topographer,  Harper’s  Ferry  was  a town 
of  some  5000  inhabitants,  in  Jefferson  County, 
Virginia,  on  the  borders  of  Maryland,  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Potomac  and  Shenandoah  Rivers, 
where  the  joint  streams  pass  through  a picturesque 
gap  in  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains.  The  Ridge  is 
here  about  1200  feet  high,  presenting  bare,  pre- 
cipitous cliffs  on  each  side  of  the  river.  The  town 
was  originally  built  in  two  streets,  stretching  along 
a narrow  shelf  between  the  base  of  the  cliff  and  the 
river.  They  met  almost  at  right  angles,  and  were 
named  Potomac  and  Shenandoah  Streets  respec- 
tively. With  increasing  population  the  town 
straggled  in  detached  pieces  up  the  side  of  the 
cliff,  and  on  a stretch  of  level  ground  at  some  400 

*5° 


To  face  Chapter  .Y.,  page  150 


HARPER'S  FERRY 


151 

feet  elevation.  A bridge  crossed  each  river,  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway  using  the  one  over 
the  Potomac.  The  Government  factory  and  arsenal 
occupied  the  lowest  point  of  land  between  the 
two  streams,  a large  portion  of  Potomac  Street 
being  occupied  by  the  workshops  and  offices.  In 
this  arsenal  was  usually  stored  from  one  to  two 
hundred  thousand  stand  of  arms.  At  the  end  of 
Shenandoah  Street,  on  a small  island  in  the, 
Shenandoah  River,  at  a distance  of  some  half  mile 
from  the  arsenal,  was  a rifle  factory.  The  town  is 
about  170  miles  from  Richmond,  and  sixty  from 
Washington.  It  can  scarcely  be  said  to  constitute 
an  ideal  place  for  the  kind  of  prolonged  guerrilla 
warfare  contemplated  by  Brown.  The  mountains 
are  comparatively  'easy  of  approach,  roads  being  cut 
and  farms  dotted  about  in  all  directions. 

~ Cold  and  dark  was  that  eventful  Sunday  night — 
16th  October  1859— when  the  little  band  of  scarcely 
more  than  a score,  five  being  blacks,  set  out  from 
the  hill  farm  on  their  desperate  enterprise,  taking 
with  them  a one-horse  waggon  containing  pikes  and 
other  implements. 

Owen  Brown,  with  two  new  men,  remained  in 
charge  of  the  farm,  where  the  bulk  of  their  arms  and 
ammunition  was  stored.  At  a school-house  one 
mile  from  the  town  a second  depot  was  formed. 
From  this  spot  two  men  were  sent  ahead  to  cut 
the  telegraph  wires.  By  11  p.m.  the  remainder 
had  entered  the  town,  turned  out  the  lights,  captured 
the  watchman  on  the  Potomac  Bridge,  and  the  three 


152 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

watchmen  at  the  armoury,  bursting  the  door  with 
a crowbar. 

Here  Brown  established  his  headquarters.  Two 
men  were  stationed  at  the  end  of  the  bridge,  where 
they  failed  to  capture  the  relief  watchman  coming 
on  duty  at  midnight.  He  raised  an  alarm  but  with 
little  immediate  result.  Brown  also  took  possession 
of  the  other  bridge,  the  arsenal  and  the  rifle 
factory,  apparently  without  giving  his  men  any 
contingent  orders  should  they  be  forced  from  their 
positions,  fN either  is  there  any  evidence  to  show 
that  he  had  thought  out  a line  of  retreat  should  the 
slaves  fail  to  rise  as  rapidly  as  he  expected,  or  if  he 
should  be  attacked  by  overwhelming  numbers. 
An  error  which  was  to  cost  him  dear^ 

The  eastward-bound  express  was  due  to  cross  the 
bridge  soon  after  midnight,  and  Brown  sent  four 
men  to  stop  it.  { Some  few  passengers  offered  re- 
sistance, and  a negro  porter  was  shot,  an  unhappy 
beginning  to  an  enterprise  for  negro  liberation^ 
After  detaining  the  train  for  several  hours,  Brown 
H weakly  allowed  it  to  proceed  on  its  journey,  thus 
sending  the  news  of  his  attack  on  the  arsenal  direct 
to  Washington,  and  hastening  his  doomlt  The 
passengers  wrote  accounts  of  what  they  had  seen  on 
scraps  of  paper  and  flung  them  from  the  windows 
of  the  train  as  they  rushed  along,  thus  rousing  the 
whole  countryside.  After  the  train  had  left,  the  rails 
were  torn  up,  a useless  precaution  then. 

Meanwhile  Brown  had  sent  Stevens  with  half  a 
dozen  men  some  five  or  six  miles  into  the  country 


HARPERS  FERRY 


I53 


to  capture  several  prominent  slave-holders,  giving 
them  special  instructions  to  seize  Colonel  Washing- 
ton, a descendant  of  the  great  President’s  brother, 
and  to  bring  with  them  the  historic  sword  presented 
to  George  Washington  by  Frederick  the  Great,  which 
Brown  proposed  to  appropriate  to  his  own  use  as 
the  leader  of  the  party  of  Freedom.  This  enterprise 
was  successfully  accomplished  before  morning,  and 
several  bodies  of  slaves  were  liberated.  A few 
joined  Brown,  who  immediately  placed  in  their  hands 
his  favourite  weapon  the  pike,  but  found  to  his  keen 
disappointment  that  they  were  not  thereby  trans- 
formed into  soldiers. 

“ On  entering  the  armoury,”  said  Colonel 
Washington  afterwards,  “ I found  some  eight  or  ten 
prisoners  who  recognised  me.  We  were  seated 
together  and  conversing,  when  the  old  man,  whom 
we  found  by  this  time  to  be  Brown,  after  asking 
our  names,  said : 1 It  is  now  too  dark  to  write, 
but  when  it  is  sufficiently  light,  if  you  have  not 
paper  and  pens,  I will  furnish  you,  and  I require 
that  you  should  each  write  to  your  friends  to  send 
a negro  man  apiece  as  ransom.’” 

As  the  morning  light  dawned  every  townsman 
who  appeared  in  the  streets  was  arrested,  until 
some  fifty  — more  or  less  — were  shut  up  in  the 
armoury.  But  it  was  not  until  the  usual  hour  of 
commencing  business  that  the  town  gradually 
became  aware  that  it  had  been  occupied  during 
the  night  by  armed  Abolitionists  and  slaves.  Little 
by  little,  the  bolder  spirits,  seizing  what  arms 


154  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

they  could,  collected  in  knots  on  the  outskirts  of 
the  town,  and  shots  began  to  be  exchanged  between 
them  and  Brown’s  sentinels.  The  confident  bear- 
ing of  the  invaders  convinced  the  startled  natives 
that  they  were  occupying  the  town  in  force,  and 
hasty  and  urgent  messages  were  sent  for  succour 
from  the  State  militia.  Brown,  thoughtful  through- 
out for  the  welfare  of  his  prisoners,  ordered  break- 
fast for  them  as  well  as  for  his  own  men  from 
the  neighbouring  hotel.  At  this  time  his  men 
were  stationed  as  follows.  He,  with  his  two 
sons,  Watson  and  Oliver,  Stevens  and  two 
others,  occupied  the  armoury ; Kagi  with  Leeman, 
Taylor,  Anderson  and  Copeland  held  the  lower 
part  of  the  town  and  the  rifle  works;  Owen 
Brown,  Cook,  Tidd,  Merriam  and  Coppock  were 
stationed  at  Kennedy  Farm  and  the  school-house, 
the  remainder  being  placed  as  sentinels  at  the 
bridges,  corners  of  the  principal  streets,  and  the 
public  buildings.  The  arrests  went  on  until 
8 a.m.,  when  no  less  than  sixty  prisoners  were 
detained  in  the  armoury. 

The  first  shot  fired  after  daybreak  was  by 
a man  named  Turner,  who  fired  at  the  sentinels 
as  they  were  arresting  two  townsmen.  A 
second  was  fired  by  a grocer,  who  was  im- 
mediately shot  dead  by  a Sharpe’s  rifle.  Shortly 
afterwards  some  armed  Virginians  got  into  a 
room  overlooking  the  armoury  gates  and  fired 
at  Brown’s  party,  killing  one  and  mortally  wound- 
ing his  son  Watson,  who,  however,  lingered  in 


HARPER'S  FERR  Y 


*55 


agony  until  Wednesday  morning,  dying  then  in 
the  arms  of  Coppock,  who,  in  a letter  written 
from  prison  to  Mrs  Brown,  thus  describes  his 
end. 

“ I was  with  your  sons  when  they  fell.  Oliver 
lived  but  a very  few  minutes  after  he  was  shot. 
He  spoke  no  word  but  yielded  calmly  to  his 
fate.  Watson  was  shot  at  ten  o’clock  on  Monday 
morning,  and  died  about  three  o’clock  on  Wednesday 
morning.  He  suffered  much.  Though  mortally 
wounded  at  io  o’clock,  yet  at  3 o’clock 
Monday  afternoon  he  fought  bravely  against  the 
men  who  charged  on  us.  When  the  enemy  was 
repulsed,  and  the  excitement  of  the  charge  was 
over,  he  began  to  sink  rapidly.  After  we  were 
taken  prisoners  he  was  placed  in  the  guard-house 
with  me.  He  complained  of  the  hardness  of  the 
bench  on  which  he  was  lying.  I begged  hard 
for  a bed  for  him,  or  even  a blanket,  but 
could  obtain  none  for  him.  I took  off  my  coat 
and  placed  it  under  him,  and  held  his  head  in 
my  lap,  in  which  position  he  died  without  a groan 
or  struggle.” 

During  the  whole  of  the  forenoon  the  little 
band  were  absolute  masters  of  the  town,  and  could 
have  retired  to  the  mountains  with  comparative 
safety,  as  the  inhabitants  were  too  confused  and 
terror-stricken  to  offer  any  organised  resistance. 
Why  Brown  did  not  retire  has  never  been  satis- 


I s 6 LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BR  0 WN 


factorily  explained.  What  he  hoped  to  gain  by 
remaining  is  difficult  to  see,  except  that  he  appears 
to  have  anticipated  an  immediate  rising  of  the 
whole  slave  population  of  the  neighbourhood.  This 
had  not  been  sufficiently  prepared  for,  and  the 
delay  proved  fatal. 

By  mid-day  a hundred  militia  had  arrived  from 
/ Charlestown,  and  his  last  avenue  of  escape  was 
closed.  The  officer  in  charge  placed  detachments 
^at  all  exits  from  the  town,  and  assisted  by  a large 
body  of  volunteers  proceeded  to  attack  the  rifle 
factory.  His  information  led  him  to  believe  that 
the  town  was  held  by  from  three  to  five  hundred 
men.  At  the  Shenandoah  Bridge  he  captured 
William  Thompson,  his  companion  being  shot. 
As  only  five  men  were  in  the  rifle  factory,  it  was 
soon  carried  by  assault.  Kagi  and  his  men  tried 
to  escape  by  the  river,  and  four  of  them  succeeded 
in  reaching  a rock  in  the  middle  of  it,  from 
which  they  renewed  the  unequal  contest  with  200 
. men,  stationed  on  each  side  of  the  river.  Kagi, 
riddled  with  bullets,  fell  into  the  river,  soon  to  be 
followed  by  a black  comrade,  and  Leary  fell  next, 
mortally  wounded.  Copeland  then  surrendered, 
and  with  Leary,  who  lingered  some  hours,  was 
taken  into  the  town  and  held  prisoner.  The  re- 
maining man,  Leeman,  ran  for  the  river  and  was 
pursued.  Shots  were  fired  and  he  fell,  but  rising 
again  he  ran  on,  throwing  away  his  gun.  He  drew 
his  pistols  and  tried  to  fire  but  they  both  failed. 
Then  cutting  off  his  accoutrements  with  a bowie- 


HARPER'S  FERRY 


i57 


knife  he  sprang  into  the  river.  A Virginian 
militiaman  waded  in  after  him.  Seeing  it  was 
useless  to  resist  any  longer,  he  threw  his  up  arms 
and  cried  “Don’t  shoot,”  but  the  brutal  Virginian, 
pointing  his  pistol  at  the  poor  fellow’s  face,  blew 
it  to  pieces. 

Attacked  by  overwhelming  numbers  and  hemmed 
in  on  all  sides,  the  other  little  knots  of  Brown’s  men 
gradually  retreated  to  the  armoury,  losing  several 
comrades  by  the  way.  Here  they  finally  took  refuge 
in  the  engine-house  with  ten  selected  prisoners, 
barricading  the  doors  and  making  loopholes  in  the 
walls.  This  movement  literally  shut  them  in  a trap, 
and  it  was  only  a question  of  a few  hours  before 
they  must  either  surrender  or  be  killed.  Fresh 
contingents  of  volunteers  continued  to  arrive  from 
the  neighbouring  towns  and  counties,  but  the  heroic 
little  band  still  sturdily  defended  themselves.  All 
the  houses  bordering  on  the  armoury  buildings 
were  filled  with  men,  and  irregular  firing  continued 
until  nightfall.  During  these  hours  Captain  Turner 
was  killed,  and  also  the  Mayor  of  Harper’s  Ferry, 
who  rashly  crossed  the  line  of  fire.  On  the 
defender’s  side  several  had  been  killed  : Jem, 
Colonel  Washington’s  slave  coachman,  a free 
negro,  his  companion,  and  Newby,  an  eman- 
cipated slave  who  had  a wife  and  nine  children 
in  slavery  in  the  vicinity.  Oliver  Brown  was 
also  dead,  having  lived  only  a few  minutes  after 
being  hit. 

Brown  now  attempted  to  come  to  terms  with 


158  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BRO  WN 

his  assailants  on  the  suggestion  of  Mr  Kitzmiller, 
one  of  his  prisoners,  and  allowed  Stevens,  carry- 
ing a flag  of  truce,  to  go  out  with  Kitzmiller  for 
the  purpose  of  treating  with  them.  But  the  militia 
were  mad  with  hatred  of  the  Abolitionists,  and 
shooting  down  Stevens,  carried  him  off  as  a prisoner. 
And  even  as  prisoners  they  were  no  longer  safe 
from  inhuman  brutality.  Thompson  was  detained 
in  the  parlour  of  an  inn,  and  a number  of  young 
Virginians — according  to  the  statement  of  one  of 
them  at  the  subsequent  trial — determined  to  murder 
him.  They  would  have  shot  him  in  the  house 
had  not  the  landlord’s  daughter  thrown  herself 
in  front  of  him  and  protected  him  with  her  body. 
She  said  afterwards,  “ She  didn’t  want  to  have 
the  carpet  spoiled.”  But  her  intervention  availed 
nothing,  whatever  its  motive.  They  dragged  him 
from  the  house  and  flung  him  over  the  bridge, 
shooting  him  as  he  fell,  and  continued  to  make 
a target  of  him  as  he  tried  to  crawl  round 
the  base  of  the  pier  till  he  could  crawl  no 
longer. 

A fresh  contingent  arriving  in  the  early  evening 
from  Martinsburg,  fifty  men  tried  to  carry  the 
engine-house  by  assault,  but  they  were  beaten  off 
f~^yvith  the  loss  of  two  killed  and  six  wounded. 
By  this  time  the  telegraph  and  railway  had  been 
repaired,  and  Harper’s  Ferry  was  in  uninterrupted 
communication  with  the  State  capital  and  the 
! central  Government  at  Washington.  The  cabinet 
had  ordered  a contingent  of  U.  S.  troops  to  the 


COLONEL  ROBERT  LEE,  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  NATAL  AND 
MILITARY  FORCES  OF  VIRGINIA,  1861, 


To  face  page  159. 


HARPERS  FERR  Y 


i59 


scene  of  the  outbreak,  and  the  Governor  of  Virginia 
and  the  City  of  Baltimore  had  sent  men  also. 
Brown’s  last  act  for  the  day  was  an  offer  to  liberate 
his  prisoners  on  condition  that  his  party  should 
cross  the  bridge  unmolested.  His  offer  was  refused. 
Night  fell  and  firing  ceased. 

Brown  was  left  now  without  a ray  of  hope. 
The  dead  bodies  of  Kagi,  Leeman,  Taylor  and 
Thompson  floated  in  the  river.  Copeland,  Stevens 
and  Leary  were  prisoners,  the  last  two  being 
dangerously  wounded.  In  the  streets  lay  the 
mutilated  bodies  of  Newby  and  others.  In  the 
engine-house  were  the  dead  bodies  of  his  son 
Oliver  and  Dauphin  Thompson,  whilst  his  other 
son  Watson  lingered  on  in  hopeless  agony.  The 
only  unwounded  survivors  in  the  engine-house 
were  Brown,  Anderson,  Coppock,  Shields  Green, 
a negro,  a few  negroes  who  had  been  liberated 
and  armed  by  Brown,  and  the  ten  selected 
prisoners.  In  the  town  at  least  1500  men  were 
under  arms  guarding  every  approach,  whilst  during 
the  night  eighty  U.  S.  marines  with  two  pieces  of 
artillery  arrived,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Robert  Lee,  afterwards  General  Lee,  chief  com- 
mander of  the  Confederate  armies  in  the  Civil  War. 

The  mad  frenzy  of  hate  and  lust  of  blood  into 
which  the  Southerners  had  now  plunged  is  illus- 
trated by  the  following  passages  from  one  of 
their  own  organs,  the  Frederick  Herald,  a Maryland 
paper. 

“The  dead  lay  on  the  streets  and  in  the  river, 


160  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

and  were  subjected  to  every  indignity  that  a wild 
and  madly-excited  people  could  heap  upon  them. 
Curses  were  freely  uttered  against  them,  and  kicks 
and  blows  inflicted  upon  them.  The  huge  mulatto 
who  shot  Mr  Turner  was  lying  in  the  gutter 
in  front  of  the  arsenal,  with  a terrible  wound  in 
his  neck ; and,  though  dead  and  gory,  vengeance 
was  unsatisfied,  and  many,  as  they  ran  sticks  into 
his  wounds  or  beat  him  with  them,  wished  that  he 
had  a thousand  lives,  that  all  of  them  might 
be  forfeited  in  expiation  and  avengement  of  the 
foul  deed  he  had  committed.  Leeman  lay  upon 
a rock  in  the  river,  and  was  made  the  target  for 
the  practice  of  those  who  had  captured  Sharpe’s 
rifles  in  the  fray.  Shot  after  shot  was  fired  at 
him,  and  when  tired  of  this  sport  a man  waded 
out  to  where  he  lay  and  set  him  up  in  grotesque 
attitudes,  and  finally  pushed  him  off,  when  he 
floated  down  the  stream.  His  body  and  that  of 
Thompson,  which  was  also  in  the  water,  were 
subsequently  brought  on  shore,  as  were  all  of  them 
except  a few  which  were  taken  by  the  physicians. 
It  may  be  thought  that  there  was  cruelty  and 
barbarity  in  this ; but  the  public  mind  had  been 
frenzied  by  the  outrages  of  these  men,  who,  being 
outlaws,  were  regarded  as  food  for  carrion  birds, 
and  not  as  human  creatures.” 

During  this  last  night  of  his  freedom  Brown 
seems  not  to  have  slept  a moment,  despite  the 
fact  that  he  had  been  under  arms  since  the  previous 


HARPERS  FERRY 


161 


evening,  and  had  been  fighting  most  of  the  time. 
No  sign  of  weakness  or  faltering  was  observable 
in  his  demeanour,  nor  any  sign  of  regret  for  the 
position  in  which  he  found  himself.  At  short 
intervals  during  the  hours  of  darkness  his  voice 
was  heard,  encouraging  and  confidant  as  ever. 
“ Are  you  awake,  men  ? ” “ Are  you  ready  ? ” 

When  Oliver  fell  by  his  side — said  one  of  his 
prisoners— Brown  remained  at  his  port-hole  coolly 
firing  at  his  enemies,  but  when  the  fighting  ceased 
for  the  night  he  went  to  his  son’s  dead  body, 
straightened  out  his  limbs,  and  took  off  his  trappings. 
Then,  turning  to  the  narrator,  he  said,  “ This  is  the 
third  son  I have  lost  in  this  cause.” 

To  Colonel  Washington  also  he  spoke  of  his  sons. 
He  said  he  had  not  pressed  them  to  join  in  the 
expedition,  but  did  not  regret  their  loss — they  had 
died  in  a good  cause. 

The  whole  party  had  become  imbued  with  Brown’s 
spirit,  and  all  felt  they  were  acting,  as  Stevens 
expressed  it,  when  asked  by  what  authority  they 
had  seized  the  arsenal : — “ By  the  authority  of  God 
Almighty.” 

Towards  7 o’clock  on  Tuesday  morning,  18th 
October,  the  marines  prepared  for  the  final  assault. 
Lieutenant  Stuart  offered  Brown  an  opportunity 
of  surrendering,  promising  him  immediate  protec- 
tion and  trial  by  law.  Brown  insisted  on  his  terms 
of  the  previous  day,  and  the  negotiations  ended. 
Advancing  in  two  lines  the  marines  tried  to  batter 
in  the  door  with  hammers,  but  failed,  then,  using  a 

L 


1 62  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


heavy  ladder  as  a battering  ram,  they  forced  an 
entrance,  being  aided  from  the  inside  by  one  of 
the  prisoners.  One  marine  fell,  two  were  wounded, 
the  rest  rushed  in,  and  within  five  minutes  all  was 
over.  Anderson  fell  mortally  wounded.  The 
prisoners,  acting  on  Colonel  Washington’s  advice, 
climbed  on  the  engines  and  held  up  their  hands 
to  show  that  they  were  non-combatants,  at  the 
same  time  pointing  out  Brown  and  his  men  to 
the  assailants.  Fortunately,  in  spite  of  the  hail 
of  bullets  which  had  poured  into  the  engine-house, 
not  one  of  them  was  wounded. 

The  moment  Brown  was  pointed  out,  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  he  had  surrended  and  laid  down 
his  arms,  Lieutenant  Green  struck  him  on  the 
head  with  his  sv^rd  and  knocked  him  down,  re- 
peating his  blows  after  he  had  fallen,  and  a marine 
thrust  his  bayonet  twice  into  the  prostrate  man’s 
body.  Coppock  and  Shields  Green  were  captured 
; unhurt.  The  bodies  of  the  dead  and  wounded 
were  then  laid  side  by  side  on  the  grass  in  front  of 
the  engine-house,  Watson  Brown,  still  lingering  in 
great  pain,  lying  by  the  side  of  his  dead  brother 
Oliver.  John  Brown  was  insensible  from  loss  of 
blood  from  the  wounds  inflicted  after  he  had 
surrendered.  It  was  with  great  difficulty  the 

marines  could  prevent  their  prisoners  from  being 
immediately  put  to  death  by  the  infuriated  mob, 
nearly  every  man  of  which  was  armed,  and  yelling, 
“ Shoot  them,  shoot  them  ! ” 

When  the  liberated  prisoners  appe?red  well  and 


HARPERS  FERR  Y 


163 


unharmed  cheers  took  the  place  of  execrations, 
and  the  mob  became  slightly  less  excited  and 
angry. 

Of  Brown’s  total  little  force  of  twenty-two  men 
ten  were  killed,  seven  were  captured,  tried  and  hanged, 
and  only  five  escaped.  On  the  other  side  six 
were  killed  and  eight  wounded. 

Before  his  removal  to  gaol  Brown  recovered 
consciousness,  and  entered  into  conversation  with 
those  about  him.  He  declared  that  the  town  had 
been  at  his  mercy,  that  he  could  have  destroyed 
it  and  most  of  its  inhabitants  had  such  been  his 
design.  He  had  not  done  so  as  he  simply  wanted 
to  liberate  slaves.  And  whilst  he  had  treated  his 
prisoners  with  every  consideration,  he  had  been 
struck  down  when  unarmed,  ai  d stabbed  as  he 
lay  on  the  ground,  as  if  he  had  been  a wild 
beast. 

They  were  next  carried  to  the  guard-house  and 
laid  on  the  floor,  where  poor  Watson  lingered  until 
the  next  morning,  and  Brown  lay  groaning  in  pain  for 
twenty  hours  before  being  taken  to  Charlestown  gaol, 
insulted  the  whole  time  by  angry  Virginians,  who 
had  free  access  to  him.  In  his  pockets  nearly  300 
^dollars  in  gold  were  found,  these,  with  his  papers, 
were  taken  charge  of  by  Colonel  Lee  on  behalf  of 
the  central  Government. 

“ I have  failed,”  he  said  to  those  who  taunted  him. 
“ I have  failed.  You  may  dispose  of  me  very  easily 
— I am  nearly  disposed  of  now;  but” — with  some- 
thing of  prophetic  foresight — “this  question  is  still 


1 64  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

to  be  settled — this  negro  question,  I mean.  The 
end  of  that  is  not  yet.” 

On  the  Wednesday  the  few  survivors  were  taken 
by  train  to  Charlestown  Gaol,  and  the  schemes  and 
hopes  of  years  had  to  all  appearance  ended  in  abject 
failure. 


COLONEL  LEES  MARINES  BltEAKING  INTO  THE  ENQINE-IIOUSE 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE  FUGITIVES 

As  it  was  reported  that  several  members  of  Brown’s 
force  were  in  the  neighbourhood,  parties  of  mounted 
men  were  dispatched  in  all  directions  to  hunt  them 
(town.  At  the  school-house  one  search  party  found 
ioo  Sharpe’s  rifles,  a dozen  pistols,  ten  kegs  of 
gunpowder,  23,000  rifle  percussion  caps,  100,000 
pistol  caps,  13,000  Sharpe’s  rifle  cartridges,  160 
Sharpe’s  primers,  35  bayonets,  483  pikes, 
T2  reams  of  cartridge  paper,  and  a variety 
of  other  articles.  Another  detachment  reached 
^-Kennedy  Farm,  where  they  found  a fire  still 
smouldering  in  the  stove.  The  place  was  littered 
with  the  contents  of  trunks  and  carpet  bags,  which 
had  evidently  been  hastily  opened,  indicating  a 
hurried  visit  by  those  left  in  the  neighbourhood 
for  a few  necessary  articles  before  attempting  to 
escape.  Besides  a large  quantity  of  provisions 
and  wearing  apparel,  a number  of  letters,  copies 
of  the  constitution  drawn  up  by  Brown  and  other 
documents  were  found.  These  were  eagerly  seized 
in  the  hope  that  they  would  be  of  material  service 
in  the  subsequent  investigations. 

165 


1 66  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

The  only  member  of  Brown’s  family  concerned 
in  the  expedition  who  succeeded  in  escaping  was 
his  son  Owen,  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  the 
farm.  More  than  a dozen  years  afterwards,  at  his 
house  on  an  island  in  Lake  Erie,  he  related  his 
experiences  to  Mr  Ralph  Keeber  of  the  Atlantic 
Monthly , from  whose  account  we  take  the  following 
particulars. 

Owen,  whose  right  arm  was  injured,  had  with 
him  Coppock  and  Merriam.  They  remained  at 
the  farm  anxiously  listening  to  the  sounds  of 
distant  firing  until  the  evening,  when  a released 
slave  rode  up  asking  them  to  go  to  the  assist- 
ance of  their  friends.  On  the  way  they  were  met 
by  Tidd,  one  of  their  companions,  who  stated  that 
the  fight  had  gone  badly  against  them,  all  their 
comrades  but  seven  being  killed,  their  leader 
amongst  the  rest.  Then  Cook  came  flying  from 
the  school-house.  Persuaded  by  Owen,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  the  school-house,  finding  it  deserted.  Put- 
ting a bag  of  “sweet  biscuit”  and  another  of  sugar 
on  the  horse  of  the  negro,  they  returned  to  the 
farm  for  their  rubber  blankets  and  other  necessaries. 
Making  a hasty  supper,  they  hurried  up  the  mountain- 
side and  hid  in  a laurel  thicket,  which  afforded  but 
slight  shelter  from  the  drenching  rain.  Owen’s 
plan  was  to  travel  along  the  mountain  ridges  to 
Canada,  hoping  to  benefit  by  his  knowledge  of  the 
Underground  Railway.  He  proposed  to  sleep  and 
hide  by  day  and  to  travel  by  night,  lighting  no 
fires,  and  not  even  speaking  above  a whisper  until 


THE  FUGITIVES 


167 


they  got  well  into  Pennsylvania.  As  nothing  better 
offered,  all  agreed  except  the  negro,  who  complained 
of  rheumatism  and  said  he  could  not  bear  such 
a fatiguing  journey.  Owen  suspected  him  of 
treachery,  and  although  he  had  not  slept  for  two 
nights  resolved  to  watch.  But  fatigue  overcame 
him,  and  for  a few  minutes  he  slept.  In  those 
few  minutes  the  negro  disappeared.  Owen  roused 
his  companion  and  they  resolved  to  push  on  at 
once,  each  man  carrying  two  guns  with  ammunition 
and  supplies.  They  were  anxious  to  cross  a road 
three  miles  ahead  before  daylight,  and  favoured 
by  fog  they  succeeded.  But  they  had  only  hidden 
for  a few  minutes  in  a thicket  beyond  when  eight 
armed  men  rode  by. 

Cook  advised  stealing  horses  and  riding  boldly 
on,  and  it  taxed  Owen’s  resources  to  the  uttermost 
to  persuade  him  from  such  folly.  Then  he  would 
go  to  Chambersburg  where  his  wife  was,  and  as 
Tidd  and  Coppock  supported  him,  and  only  Merriam 
— the  weakest  of  the  party — supported  Owen,  he 
was  obliged  to  give  way  against  his  better  judgment, 
and  proceed  in  that  direction.  One  day  a horseman 
riding  past  saw  them  crossing  a field.  He  gave  the 
alarm  and  the  whole  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley 
rushed  across  the  Potomac  River  in  terror  of  “ Cook’s 
men,”  Cook  being  known  in  the  neighbourhood. 
Brown  had  now  to  carry  the  whole  of  the  provisions 
for  the  party  as  Merriam  was  too  weak,  and  the 
others  refused  the  burden.  Another  time  they 
thought  the  hounds  were  out  after  them.  Luckily, 


1 68  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BP  OWN 

they  turned  off  after  a fox,  but  it  was  clear  that 
the  whole  countryside  was  on  the  alert.  The  want 
of  proper  rest  and  food,  particularly  the  total 
absence  of  salt,  began  to  tell  on  them,  and  all 
suffered  from  giddiness.  When  they  approached 
the  only  pass  through  the  mountains  out  of  Mary- 
land thay  saw  it  flaming  with  a hundred  fires, 
and  heard  the  baying  of  numerous  hounds.  A 
small  army  was  guarding  the  road.  Crossing  a 
creek  and  climbing  a ravine  they  trudged  on 
through  the  night,  making  a wide  circuit  to  avoid 
the  gap,  Merriam  gradually  becoming  weaker. 
From  the  summits  of  the  mountains  they  saw  the 
roads  swarming  with  horsemen.  That  day  they 
slept  between  the  branches  of  a fallen  tree.  In  the 
valley  on  the  other  side  Cook  succeeded  in  pur- 
chasing some  food  at  a farmhouse,  and  they  had 
their  first  good  meal  for  more  than  a week.  The 
next  afternoon  Cook,  against  Brown’s  advice,  went 
forward  to  purchase  more  food.  They  waited  until 
after  midnight  but  he  did  not  return.  He  had  been 
arrested  on  suspicion,  and  a commission  from  John 
Brown  being  found  upon  him,  his  fate  was  sealed. 
He  was  sent  into  Virginia  and  shared  his  leader’s 
doom.  A day  or  two  later,  as  his  companions 
were  hiding  in  a briar  patch  in  the  midst  of  a 
field  near  the  Chambersburg  Railway,  vainly  trying 
to  keep  each  other  warm  in  the  beating  sleet 
and  rain,  Cook,  fettered,  went  by  them  in  a train. 
They  even  heard  the  strains  of  the  band  which 
accompanied  him  to  the  station,  without  knowing 


THE  FUGITIVES 


169 


what  they  meant.  Here  they  decided  to  risk  send- 
ing Merriam  on  by  train  as  he  was  too  exhausted  to 
walk  further.  He  reached  his  friends  in  safety,  but 
did  not  live  long.  The  prolonged  exposure  had 
sapped  his  vital  forces,  and  after  lingering  some 
time  in  weak  health,  he  was  found  dead  in  bed. 

The  three  remaining  fugitives  held  on  their  way 
towards  the  North,  helping  themselves  to  poultry, 
milk  and  other  food  as  occasion  offered.  They 
had  lost  count  of  time,  had  no  watch,  neither  any 
map,  and  beyond  the  fact  that  they  must  be  still 
in  Pennsylvania,  knew  not  where  they  were.  A 
lift  in  a canal  boat  proved  a very  welcome  change, 
brief  as  it  was.  At  last  they  ventured  to  ask 
hospitality  at  a farmhouse,  the  cheery  blaze  of  the 
firelight  through  the  windows  being  more  than 
they  could  resist  after  such  prolonged  lying  in 
the  open.  A hearty  meal  was  offered  them,  then 
a newspaper  containing  full  details  of  the  attack 
on  Harper’s  Ferry.  Here  Owen  first  learned  that 
his  father  was  still  alive  and  that  his  two  brothers 
were  killed.  Reading  aloud  to  his  companions,  he 
stumbled  upon  a minute  description  of  himself, 
with  the  heavy  reward  offered  for  his  capture. 
Coppock  heard  with  a sigh  of  the  condemnation  of 
his  brother.  It  needed  all  three  in  turn  to  read 
aloud  through  the  narrative,  then  they  sat  in  a long, 
painful  silence.  Whatever  their  host  thought,  he 
said  nothing,  but  gave  them  a comfortable  bed — 
a luxury  they  had  long  been  deprived  of — and 
sent  them  on  their  way  the  next  morning. 


170  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PE  OWN 

Good  Quakers — well  known  on  the  Underground 
Railway  — now  began  to  assist  them,  and  they 
had  better  times.  Then  Coppock  was  sent  off  by 
stage  coach,  with  their  guns  in  a box,  and  safely 
reached  his  friends.  Brown  and  Tidd,  keeping  only 
their  revolvers,  finally  reached  the  North,  where 
were  friends  in  plenty,  and  they  were  able  to  rest 
in  comparative  safety,  though  for  some  time  they 
had  to  change  their  residences  frequently  for  fear 
of  arrest. 

On  the  4th  of  July  the  next  year,  i860,  the 
anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
there  was  a noteworthy  gathering  at  the  quiet 
Adirondack  Farm  round  John  Brown’s  grave.  All 
the  survivors  of  his  family,  and  the  whole  of  his 
followers  remaining,  except  Tidd,  met  for  the 
first  and  last  time.  A band  of  heroes  hard  to  be 
matched  at  any  period  for  pure  unselfishness.  Tidd 
and  Coppock  both  died  in  the  war,  one  by  fever 
and  the  other  in  a railway  accident,  each  faithful 
to  the  last  to  the  principles  of  his  loved  leader. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  TRIAL 

Meanwhile  all  Virginia  was  in  alarm.  Her  proud 
slave-holders  and  their  boasted  constitution  had 
felt  the  impact  of  a handful  of  determined  men, 
and  both  rocked  under  the  blow.  Business  was 
suspended,  4000  militia  were  kept  under  arms, 
slaves  were  sold  “ South  ” in  hundreds,  at  an 
estimated  loss  of  10,000,000  dollars,  prominent 
slave-holders  slept  in  fresh  houses  each  night,  and 
the  whole  State  remained  under  a sense  of  in- 
security, timorousness  and  nervous  dread  until 
their  few  prisoners  were  no  longer  above  ground. 

In  the  North,  at  the  first,  even  many  who  held 
strong  anti-slavery- views  denounced  Brown’s  attempt; 
as  the  act  of  a fanatic  and  a madman.  But  as 
the  trial  proceeded,  and  his  character  and  aims 
became  more  clearly  understood,  a great  revulsion 
of  feeling  took  place,  and  he  rose  to  the  position 
of  hero  and  martyr.  Whilst  the  rarer  and  purer 
spirits,  men  like  Emerson,  Theodore  Parker, 
Whittier,  Thoreau,  and  Wendell  Phillips,  from  the 
beginning  saw  clearly  the  greatness  and  nobility 

171 


172  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


of  his  character,  and  honoured  him  accordingly. 

“ All  gentlemen,”  said  Emerson,  “ are  on  his  side. 

I do  not  mean  by  gentlemen  people  of  scented 
hair  and  perfumed  handkerchiefs,  but  men  of 
gentle  blood  and  generosity  ‘ fulfilled  with  all 
nobleness,’  who,  like  the  Cid,  give  the  outcast 
leper  a share  of  their  bed ; like  the  dying  Sidney, 
pass  the  cup  of  cold  water  to  the  soldier  that 
needs  it  more.” 

Wounded  and  in  prison,  a felon’s  doom  lying 
just  ahead  of  him,  poor  and  unknown,  he  suddenly 
leaped  into  fame,  and  became  an  object  of  reverence 
and  affection  to  millions,  many  of  whom,  had  a 
capable,  daring  leader  been  found,  would  have 
marched  to  his  deliverance.*  For  some  time  it 
was  feared  his  wounds  would  prove  fatal.  But, 
thanks  to  his  temperate  habits  and  hardy  con- 
stitution, he  recovered,  and  lived  to  render  the 
cause  of  his  life  a vastly  greater  service  than  if 
he  had  died  quietly  in  his  cell. 

On  Wednesday  morning,  19th  October,  Brown 
was  committed  to  Charlestown  Gaol — where  he 
was  to  spend  the  remaining  forty-two  days  of  his 
life — and  it  was  not  until  7th  November  that  his 
gaolers  displayed  humanity  enough  to  give  him 
a change  of  clothing.  They  left  him  lying  in  his 

v * Alcott’s  Diary,  23rd  October:  “There  should  be  enough  of 
courage  and  intrepidity  in  the  North — in  Massachusetts  men — to  steal 
South,  since  they  cannot  march  openly  there,  rescue  him  from  the 
slave-holders,  the  State  and  United  States  courts,  and  save  him  for 
the  impending  crisis.  Captain  Higginson  would  be  good  for  that 
leadership,  and  No.  64  ” (Alcott  himself)  “ will  be  ready  to  march  with 
the  rest,” 


THE  TRIAL 


i73 


blood-stained  garments,  just  as  he  had  fallen  at 
Harper’s  Ferry,  with  his  legs  in  irons.  On  Tuesday 
afternoon,  18th  October,  Governor  Wise  visited 
the  prisoners,  and  some  particulars  of  their  con- 
versation were  published  in  a local  Virginian  paper 
whose  reporter  was  present.  Brown  and  Stevens 
occupied  the  same  room.  Brown  was  found  lying 
on  the  floor  with  his  feet  to  the  fire  and  his  head 
supported  by  pillows  on  the  back  of  a chair.  His 
hair  was  so  completely  covered  by  clotted  blood 
that  the  reporter  could  not  tell  its  colour.  His 
white  beard  was  blood-stained  also.  A few  feet 
from  him  lay  Stevens,  his  hands  folded  on  his 
breast  in  a childlike  way,  clasping  tightly  a small 
packet  containing  miniatures  of  his  two  sisters. 

Brown  frankly  answered  all  questions  put  to  him 
except  such  as  might  implicate  others.  He  declared 
himself  to  be  the  author  — in  the  main — of  the 
pamphlet  entitled  “ Provisional  Constitution  and 
Ordinances  for  the  People  of  the  United  States,” 
copies  of  which  had  been  found  on  all  the  prisoners. 
He  admitted  that  he  had  confidently  expected 
large  reinforcements  from  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Mary- 
land, North  and  South  Carolina,  when  once  he  had 
raised  the  standard  of  freedom,  and  reluctantly 
acknowledged  his  disappointment.  He  spoke  of 
his  sons  repeatedly,  and  asked  if  they  were 
both  dead.  When  told  they  were,  “ How  many 
bodies  did  you  take  from  the  engine-house  ? ” he 
asked. 

“ Three.” 


174  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


“ Then,”  said  he,  quickly,  “ they  are  not  both 
dead ; there  were  three  dead  bodies  there  last 
night.  Gentlemen,  my  son  is  doubtless  living 
and  in  your  power.  I will  ask  for  him  what  I 
would  not  ask  for  myself ; let  him  have  kind 
treatment,  for  he  is  as  pure  and  noble-hearted  a 
youth  as  ever  breathed  the  breath  of  life.” 

On  his  return  to  Richmond,  Governor  Wise  gave 
his  impressions  of  Brown.  “ They  are  themselves 
mistaken  who  take  him  to  be  a madman.  He  is 
a bundle  of  the  best  nerves  I ever  saw,  cut,  and 
thrust,  and  bleeding,  and  in  bonds.  He  is  a man 
of  clear  head,  of  courage,  fortitude  and  simple 
ingenuousness.  He  is  cool,  collected  and  indomit- 
able, and  it  is  but  just  to  him  to  say  that  he  was 
humane  to  his  prisoners  . . . and  he  inspired  me 
with  great  trust  in  his  integrity  as  a man  of  truth. 
He  is  fanatic,  vain  and  garrulous,  but  firm,  truthful 
and  intelligent.  He  professes  to  be  a Christian 
in  communion  with  the  Congregational  Church  of 
the  North,  and  openly  preaches  his  purpose  of 
universal  emancipation.  . . . Colonel  Washington 
says  that  he — Brown — was  the  coolest  and  firmest 
man  he  ever  saw  in  defying  danger  and  death. 
With  one  son  dead  by  his  side  and  another  shot 
through,  he  felt  the  pulse  of  his  dying  son  with 
one  hand  and  held  his  rifle  with  the  other,  and 
commanded  his  men  with  the  utmost  composure, 
encouraging  them  to  be  firm  and  to  sell  their  lives 
as  dearly  as  they  could.” 

The  Democrats  were  in  office  in  the  Federal 


THE  TRIAL 


*75 


Government  with  Mr  Buchanan — a pliant  tool,  it 
will  be  remembered,  in  the  hands  of  the  extreme  pro- 
slavery party — as  President.  They  had  majorities 
in  both  Houses.  When  they  learned  that  Brown 
and  some  of  his  men  were  taken  alive,  they  hurriedly 
dispatched  a Committee  of  Democrats  to  examine 
them  before  the  trial  could  take  place,  joyfully 
anticipating  revelations  which  would  implicate  pro- 
minent Republicans,  and  so  discredit  that  party 
in  the  eyes  of  all  law-abiding  citizens.  The  four 
members  of  the  Committee  were,  Governor  Wise, 
Senator  Mason — author  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
referred  to  in  Chapter  II. — both  Southerners,  and 
two  Northerners,  Mr  Johnson  a U.  S.  marshal,  and 
Mr  Vallandingham,  Member  of  Congress  for  Ohio. 
Better  for  their  party  had  they  remained  at  home, 
for  the  publication  of  the  interview  caused  a great 
revulsion  of  feeling  in  Brown’s  favour  throughout 
the  Northern  States,  and  their  inquiries  failed  en- 
tirely to  secure  any  evidence  of  complicity  with  the 
raid  on  the  part  of  any  of  their  political  opponents. 

Senator  Mason’s  first  question  was  as  to  the 
source  of  the  funds  for  the  expedition.  Brown 
replied  that'  he  furnished  most  of  the  money  him- 
self, and  added  : “ It  is  by  my  own  folly  I have 
been  taken.  I could  easily  have  saved  myself  from 
it  if  I had  exercised  my  own  better  judgment  rather 
than  yielded  to  my  feelings.  I should  have  gone 
away,  but  I had  thirty  odd  prisoners  whose  wives 
and  daughters  were  in  tears  for  their  safety,  and 
I felt  for  them.  Besides,  I wanted  to  allay  the  fears 


176  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

of  those  who  believed  we  came  to  burn  and  kill. 
For  this  reason  I allowed  the  train  to  cross  the 
bridge,  and  gave  them  full  liberty  to  pass  on.  I 
did  it  only  to  spare  the  feelings  of  those  passengers 
and  their  families,  and  to  allay  the  apprehension 
that  you  had  got  here  in  your  vicinity  a band  of 
men  who  had  no  regard  for  life  and  property,  nor 
any  feeling  of  humanity.  ...  I did  not  allow  my 
men  to  fire,  or  even  to  return  fire,  when  there  was 
danger  of  killing  those  we  regarded  as  innocent 
persons,  if  I could  help  it.” 

VALLANDINGHAM.  “ Who  sent  you  here  ? ” 

Brown.  “No  man  sent  me  here;  it  was  my  own 
prompting  and  that  of  my  Maker.” 

Mason.  “What  was  your  object  in  coming?” 

Brown.  “ We  came  to  free  the  slaves  and  only 
that.” 

MASON.  “ How  do  you  justify  your  acts?  ” 

BROWN.  “ I think,  my  friend,  you  are  guilty  of  a 
great  wrong  against  God  and  humanity — I say  it 
without  wishing  to  be  offensive — and  it  would  be 
perfectly  right  for  anyone  to  interfere  with  you  so 
far  as  to  free  those  you  wilfully  and  wickedly  hold 
in  bondage.  I think  I did  right  and  that  others  will 
do  right  who  interfere  with  you,  any  time  and  at 
all  times.  I hold  that  the  Golden  Rule,  ‘ Do  unto 
others  as  you  would  that  others  should  do  unto  you,’ 
applies  to  all  who  would  help  others  to  gain  their 
liberty.” 

After  admitting  that  he  was  at  Cleveland  in  June, 
when  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  Convention  was  held 


THE  TRIAL 


177 


there,  although  he  did  not  attend  the  Convention, 
he  was  asked  whether  he  saw  anything  of  Mr  Joseph 
R.  Giddings  there.  Giddings  was  for  many  years 
one  of  the  ablest  and  most  persistent  opponents  of 
slavery  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  con- 
sequently most  obnoxious  to  the  Slave  Party. 
When  Lincoln  became  President  he  appointed  him 
U.  S.  Consul  at  Montreal. 

“ I did  meet  him,”  said  Brown. 

VALLANDINGHAM.  “ Did  you  converse  with  him  ? ” 

Brown.  “ I did.  I would  not  tell  you,  of  course, 
anything  that  would  implicate  Mr  Giddings  ; but  I cer- 
tainly met  with  him  and  had  a conversation  with  him.” 

Vallandingham.  “Did  you  talk  to  Giddings 
about  your  expedition  here  ? ” 

Brown.  “No,  sir,  I won’t  answer  that,  because 
a denial  of  it  I would  not  make,  and  to  make  an 
affidavit  of  it  I should  be  a great  dunce.” 

Vallandingham.  “Do  you  consider  this  a re- 
ligious movement?” 

Brown.  “ It  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  greatest  service 
a man  can  render  to  his  God.” 

Vallandingham.  “Do  you  consider  yourself  an 
instrument  l\  the  hands  of  Providence  ? ” 

Brown.  “ I do.” 

Vallandingham.  “Upon  what  principle  do  you 
justify  your  acts  ? ” 

Brown.  “ Upon  the  Golden  Rule*,  I pity  the  poor 
in  bondage  that  have  none  to  help  them.  That  is 
why  I am  here.  It  is  not  to  gratify  any  personal 
animosity,  or  feeling  of  revenge,  or  vindictive  spirit. 

M 


178  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


It  is  my  sympathy  with  the  oppressed  and  the 
wronged,  that  are  as  good  as  you,  and  as  precious 
in  the  sight  of  God.” 

When  Stevens  was  asked  a question  which  seemed 
dangerous  to  others,  Brown,  ever  on  the  alert  not 
to  drag  his  friends  down  in  his  fall,  said  : “ Be  very 
cautious,  Stevens,  about  an  answer  to  that ; it  might 
commit  some  friend.  I would  not  answer  it  at  all.” 
Stevens  took  his  advice  and,  turning  on  his  side, 
remained  silent. 

It  may  be  added  here  that  a committee  appointed 
by  the  Senate  in  January  i860  to  investigate  the 
whole  circumstances  of  Brown’s  attempt,  although 
keenlv  on  the  alert  for  it,  failed  to  procure  any 


responsibility  for  the  raid. 


Indeed,  on  the  contrary,  the  clearest  evidence  was 


adduced  showing  Brown’s  disgust  with  the  “do 
■ nothing  ” policy  of  that  party  and  of  the  Abolition- 
' ists  generally.  He  saw  the  insufficiency  of  “ moral 
suasion,”  and  believed  that  no  other  means  than 
the  sword  would  secure  emancipation. 

. He  further  said  in  the  course  of  this  extra-legal 
examination  : “ I want  you  to  understand,  gentle- 
men, that  I respect  the  rights  of  the  poorest  and 
weakest  of  the  coloured  people  oppressed  by  the 
slave  system,  just  as  I do  those  of  the  most  wealthy 
and  powerful.  That  is  the  idea  that  has  moved 
me,  and  that  alone.  We  expected  no  reward  except 
the  satisfaction  of  endeavouring  to  do  for  those  in 
distress — the  greatly  oppressed — as  we  would  be 
done  by.  The  cry  of  distress,  of  the  oppressed,  is 


THE  TRIAL 


179 


my  reason,  and  the  only  thing  that  prompted  me 
to  come  here.” 

After  much  further  questioning,  Brown,  who  was 
lying  on  a miserable  .pallet  suffering  severely  from 
his  wounds,  said: — ‘H  do  not  wish  to  converse 
any  more.  I will  only  remark  to  these  reporting 
gentlemen  that  I claim  to  be  here  carrying  out  a 
measure  I believe  to  be  perfectly  justifiable,  and 
not  to  act  the  part  of  an  incendiary  or  ruffian,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  to  aid  those  suffering  under  a great 
wrong:  I wish  to  say,  furthermore,  that  you  had 
better — all  you  people  of  the  South — prepare  your- 
selves for  a settlement  of  this  question.  It  must 
come  up  for  settlement  sooner  than  you  are  pre- 
pared for  it,  and  the  sooner  you  commence  that 
preparation  the  better  for  you.  You  may  dispose 
of  me  very  eas’!y.  I am  nearly  disposed  of  now; 
but  this  question  is  still  to  be  settled — this  negro 
question,  I mean.  The  end  of  that  is  not  yet. 

“ These  wounds  were  inflicted  upon  me  — both 
the  sabre  cut  on  my  head  and  the  bayonet  stabs 
in  the  different  parts  of  my  body — some  minutes 
after  I had  ceased  fighting,  and  had  consented  to 
surrender  lor  the  benefit  of  others,  not  for  my 
own  benefit.” 

“ Was  your  only  object  to  free  the  negroes  ? ” 

Brown.  “Absolutely  our  only  object.” 

“ But  you  took  Colonel  Washington’s  silver  and 
watch.” 

Brown.  “ Oh,  yes.  We  intended  fully  to  have 
appropriated  the  property  of  slave-holders  to  carry 


i8o  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  FRO  JVN 


out  our  object.  It  was  for  that,  and  only  that,  and 
with  no  design  to  enrich  ourselves  with  any  plunder 
whatever.” 

Thus,  with  courtesy  and  even  affability,  Brown 
answered  every  questioner,  in  the  midst  of  his 
keen  sufferings  as  in  the  days  of  his  health, 
anxious  only  to  promote  the  one  object  to  which 
he  had  devoted  his  life. 

Mr  Vallandingham  said  afterwards  on  his  return 
to  Ohio:  “It  is  vain  to  underrate  either  the  man 
or  the  conspiracy.  Captain  John  Brown  is  as 
brave  and  resolute  a man  as  ever  headed  an  in- 
surrection, and  in  a good  cause  and  with  a 
sufficient  force  would  have  been  a consummate 
partisan  commander.  He  has  coolness,  daring, 
persistency,  the  stoic  faith  and  patience,  and,  a 
firmness  of  will  and  purpose  unconquerable.  ' He 
is  the  farthest  possible  removed  from  the  ordinary 
ruffian,  fanatic  or  madman. ”T' 

On  the  information  of  Governor  Wise  and  two 
others,  Brown  and  his  men  were  put  in  the  custody 
of  Captain  Avis  of  Charlestown  Gaol,  on  the  charge 
of  “ feloniously  conspiring  with  each  other,  and 
other  persons  unknown,  to  make  an  Abolition  in- 
surrection, and  open  war  against  the  commonwealth 
of  Virgina  ; of  murder  ; and  ‘ conspiring  with  slaves 
to  rebel  and  make  insurrection.’”  No  time  was  lost 
in  bringing  them  to  trial.  Indeed,  the  unseemly 
haste  with  which  the  whole  proceedings  were 
hurried  on  reflected  no  credit  upon  the  judicial 
authorities  of  the  State.  They  acted  under  the 


THE  TRIAL 


181 

influence  of  panic,  and  from  manifest  bias  against 
the  accused.  Their  intense  hatred  of  Abolitionists 
made  them  partial  judges  in  their  own  cause. 

The  same  day — 19th  October — a warrant  was 
issued  to  the  Sheriff  authorising  him  to  summon 
a preliminary  court  of  justices  for  Tuesday,  25th 
inst.  Brown’s  first  act  on  learning  that  he  was 
to  be  examined  on  the  25th  was  to  write  to  Judge 
Tilden  of  Massachusetts  asking  for  assistance  of 
counsel.  As  he  shrewdly  said,  unless  they  could 
“ obtain  such  counsel  from  without  the  Slave 
States,  neither  the  facts  in  our  case  can  come 
before  the  world,  nor  can  we  have  the  benefit  of 
such  facts  as  might  be  considered  mitigating  in 
the  view  of  others  upon  our  trial.”  By  10.30  a.m. 
on  Tuesday,  25th,  when  they  were  taken  into 
court,  Brown  had  not  been  able  to  secure  counsel. 
The  prisoners  were  manacled  in  couples,  Brown 
and  Stevens  being  unable  to  stand  without  assist- 
ance, the  latter  having  balls  in  his  head,  breast 
and  arm.  They  were  conducted  from  gaol  to  the 
court-house  under  a guard  of  eighty  men,  and  a 
large  military  force  was  stationed  around  the 
building.  Colonel  Davenport  presided,  and  Messrs 
C.  B.  Harding  and  Andrew  Hunter  were  counsel 
for  the  prosecution.  After  the  reading  of  the  order 
for  their  commitment  by  the  Sheriff,  Brown  was 
asked  if  he  had  a lawyer.  He  replied  as  follows : — 

“Virginians,  I did  not  ask  for  quarter  at  the  time 
I was  taken.  I did  not  ask  to  have  my  life  spared. 
The  Governor  of  the  State  of  Virginia  tendered 


1 8 2 LIFE  OF  CA  PLAIN  JOHN  BR  O WN 


me  his  assurance  that  I should  have  a fair  trial ; 
but  under  no  circumstances  whatever  will  I be 
able  to  attend  to  my  trial.  If  you  seek  my  blood, 
you  can  have  it  at  any  moment,  without  this 
mockery  of  a trial.  I have  no  counsel.  I have 
not  been  able  to  advise  with  anyone.  I know 
nothing  about  the  feelings  of  my  fellow-prisoners, 
and  am  utterly  unable  to  attend  in  any  way  to 
my  own  defence.  My  memory  don’t  serve  me.  My 
health  is  insufficient,  although  improving.  If  a fair 
trial  is  to  be  allowed  us,  there  are  mitigating 
circumstances  that  I would  urge  in  our  favour. 
But  if  we  are  to  be  forced  with  a mere  form — a 
trial  for  execution — you  might  spare  yourselves 
that  trouble.  I am  ready  for  my  fate.  I do  not 
ask  a trial.  I beg  for  no  mockery  of  a trial — no 
insult — nothing  but  that  which  conscience  gives  or 
cowardice  would  drive  you  to  practise.  I ask  again 
to  be  excused  from  the  mockery  of  a trial.  I do 
not  know  what  the  special  design  of  this  examina- 
tion is.  I do  not  know  what  is  to  be  the  benefit 
of  it  to  the  commonwealth.  I have  now  little 
further  to  ask,  other  than  that  I may  not  be 
foolishly  insulted,  as  only  cowardly  barbarians 
insult  those  who  fall  into  their  power.” 

Without  reply  the  court  assigned  Messrs  C.  J. 
Faulkner  and  L.  Botts  for  the  defence,  and  as 
both  were  Virginians  and  strong  pro  - slavery 
men,  it  is  no  wonder  that  Brown  repeated  his 
protest  and  asked  for  delay.  This  request  was  also 
ignored  and  witnesses  were  called.  After  eight 


THE  TRIAL 


183 

had  been  examined  the  court  closed,  the  prisoners 
being  committed  for  trial  to  the  circuit  court.  This 
second  court  met  immediately  after  the  preliminary 
examination  was  over,  and  by  2 p.m.  Judge  Parker 
charged  the  grand  jury.  The  next  morning, 
Wednesday,  26th,  the  grand  jury  returned  a true 
bill  against  all  the  prisoners,  first  for  conspiring 
with  negroes  to  produce  insurrection  ; second,  for 
treason  to  the  commonwealth ; and  third,  for 
murder.  Brown  looked  rather  better  than  on  the 
previous  day,  the  swelling  round  his  eye  having 
gone  down.  Before  the  indictment  of  the  grand 
jury  could  be  read  he  renewed  his  protest. 

“ I do  not  intend  to  detain  the  court,  but  merely 
wish  to  say,  as  I have  been  promised  a fair  trial, 
that  I am  not  now  in  circumstances  that  enable  me 
to  attend  a trial,  owing  to  the  state  of  my  health.  I 
have  a severe  wound  in  the  back,  or  rather  in  one 
kidney,  which  enfeebles  me  very  much.  But  I am 
doing  well,  and  I only  ask  for  a very  short  delay  of 
my  trial,  and  I think  I may  get  able  to  listen  to 
it ; and  I merely  ask  this,  that,  as  the  saying  is, 1 the 
devil  may  have  his  due’ — no  more.  I wish  to  say, 
further,  that  iny  hearing  is  impaired,  and  rendered 
indistinct,  in  consequence  of  wounds  I have  about 
my  head.  I cannot  hear  distinctly  at  all.  I could 
not  hear  what  the  court  has  said  this  morning.  I 
would  be  glad  to  hear  what  is  said  on  my  trial,  and 
am  now  doing  better  than  I could  expect  to  do 
under  the  circumstances.  A very  short  delay 
would  do  all  I would  ask.  I do  not  presume  to  ask 


1 84  ■ LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

more  than  a very  short  delay,  so  that  I may  in 
some  degree  recover,  and  be  able  at  least  to  listen 
to  my  trial,  and  hear  what  questions  are  asked  of 
the  citizens,  and  what  their  answers  are.  If  that 
could  be  allowed  me  I should  be  very  much 
obliged.” 

This  application  was  supported  by  his  counsel, 
but  the  court  refused  him  even  a day’s  delay.  The 
afternoon  sitting,  to  which  Brown  was  carried  on  a 
mattress  as  he  declared  himself  unable  either  to 
walk  or  stand,  was  occupied  in  securing  a jury,  which 
was  finally  composed  in  the  main  of  farmers  from 
distant  parts  of  the  State,  the  court  refusing  'the 
services  of  all  who  were  present  at  Harper’s 
Ferry.V 

On  'Thursday  morning,  27th,  the  trial  proper 
began,  the  prosecution  electing  to  take  Brown’s  case 
first.  He  was  assisted  into  court  by  two  men,  being 
unable  to  walk  alone,  and  placed  on  a mattress 
within  the  bar.  A plea  of  insanity  was  raised  by 
some  friends  from  the  North  before  the  jury  was 
sworn,  but  Brown  rejected  it  with  indignation,  and 
refused  to  allow  it  to  be  put  in.  He  again,  however, 
pleaded  for  delay,  if  only  for  twenty-four  hours,  as 
a lawyer  to  whom  he  had  written  in  Ohio  had 
telegraphed  a reply,  and  his  arrival  was  expected  in 
the  course  of  the  day.  But  even  this  small  measure 
of  justice  was  denied  him,  and  the  trial  was  ordered 
to  proceed  at  once.  One  counsel  for  the  prosecu- 
tion urged  that  he  only  wished  for  delay  to  allow 
his  friends  time  to  organise  a rescue,  and  the  other 


THE  TRIAL 


185 

went  so  far  as  to  say  that  the  prisoner  “ was  merely 
shamming  sickness.”  The  representative  of  the 
Associated  Press  reported  that:  ‘fThe  reason  given 
for  hurrying  the  trial  is,  that  the  people  of  the  whole 
country  are  kept  in  a state  of  excitement,  and  a 
large  armed  force  is  required  to  prevent  attempts  at 
rescue.^/ 

Brown  had  good  reason  to  wish  for  an  advocate 
“ from  without  the  Slave  States,”  as  already  he 
found  himself  with  only  one  counsel,  Faulkner,  his 
chief  counsel,  having  gone  home.  A Mr  Green  was 
appointed  in  his  place.  The  morning  was  spent  in 
a preliminary  skirmish  between  the  lawyers  over  the 
question  of  treason  and  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court, 
as  Harper’s  Ferry  was  a U.  S.  arsenal.  In  the  after- 
noon the  examination  of  witnesses  began,  the  con- 
ductor of  the  train  being  first  called.  He  spoke  of 
the  stoppage  of  the  train,  and  his  subsequent  inter- 
view with  Brown,  under  the  name  of  “ Captain 
Smith,”  who  accompanied  him  across  the  bridge  to 
show  that  no  treachery  was  intended.  “ When  we 
got  across,  Brown  said  to  me,  ‘You  doubtless  wonder 
that  a man  of  my  age  should  be  here  with  a band 
of  armed  men  ; but  if  you  knew  my  past  history 
you  would  not  wonder  at  it  so  much.’  My  train 
was  then  through  the  bridge,  and  I bade  him  good- 
morning, jumped  on  my  train,  and  left  him.” 

Colonel  Washington  described  his  arrest,  testified 
that  Brown  allowed  his  prisoners  to  keep  in  a safe 
position,  that  he  never  spoke  rudely  or  insultingly 
to  them,  that  he  allowed  them  to  visit  their  families 


186  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  FRO  WN 

to  assure  them  of  their  personal  safety,  and  that  he 
heard  Brown  repeatedly  direct  his  men  not  to  fire 
on  unarmed  citizens.  His  evidence  closed  the 
proceedings  for  the  day. 

On  Friday  morning,  28th  October,  Colonel 
Washington  offered  some  additional  evidence,  in 
which  he  said  Brown  frequently  complained  of  the 
breach  of  faith  in  firing  on  his  men  while  under  a 
flag  of  truce,  “but  he  heard  him  make  no  threat, 
nor  utter  any  vindictiveness  against  them.”  The 
prosecution  next  put  in  the  Provisional  Constitution, 
and  a bundle  of  letters  and  papers  which  they 
proposed  to  prove  to  be  in  Brown’s  handwriting  by 
the  evidence  of  the  Sheriff,  who  knew  it.  Brown  at 
once  interrupted : “ I will  identify  any  of  my  hand- 
writing, and  save  all  that  trouble.  I am  ready  to 
face  the  music.”  Each  letter  was  handed  to  him, 
and  as  he  recognised  the  writing  he  said  : “Yes,  that 
is  mine.” 

Then  followed  several  of  his  prisoners,  who  each 
testified  to  the  humane  treatment  they  received  at 
his  hands,  and  to  his  repeated  declaration  that  his 
one  object  was  to  free  the  slaves.  “The  good  Book 
says  we  are  all  free  and  equal,”  was  the  summary  of 
his  argument. 

The  afternoon  session  was  occupied  mainly  with 
the  evidence  of  Henry  Hunter  — son  of  Andrew 
Hunter,  conductor  of  the  prosecution — concerning 
the  murder  of  William  Thompson,  in  which  he  had 
taken  a leading  part.  Referring  to  their  attempt 
to  shoot  Thompson  in  the  parlour  of  the  inn,  witness 


THE  TRIAL 


187 


said  : “ I was  cool  about  it,  and  deliberate ; my  gun 
was  pushed  up  by  someone  who  seized  the  barrel, 
and  I then  moved  to  the  back  part  of  the  room,  still 
with  purpose  unchanged,  but  with  a view  to  divert 
attention  from  me,  in  order  to  get  an  opportunity, 
at  some  moment  when  the  crowd  would  be  less 
dense,  to  shoot  him ; ” a purpose  shortly  afterwards 
accomplished.  So  deliberate  and  foul  a murder 
drew  no  word  of  condemnation  from  the  court,  and  no 
pro-slavery  Southern  paper  was  found  to  characterise 
it  as  it  deserved. 

Several  witnesses  for  the  defence  v/ere  next  called, 
but  none  responded,  and  the  trial  was  apparently 
about  to  close,  when  Brown,  rising  from  his  pallet, 
addressed  the  court  as  follows. 

“ May  it  please  the  court : — I discover  that,  not- 
withstanding all  the  assurances  I have  received  of  a 
fair  trial,  nothing  like  a fair  trial  is  to  be  given  me, 
as  it  would  seem.  I gave  the  names,  as  soon  as  I 
could  get  them,  of  the  persons  I wished  to  have 
called  as  witnesses,  and  was  assured  that  they  would 
be  subpoenaed.  I wrote  down  a memorandum  to 
that  effect,  saying  where  these  parties  were ; but  it 
appears  that  they  have  not  been  subpoenaed,  so  far 
as  I can  learn.  And  now  I ask  if  I am  to  have 
anything  at  all  deserving  the  name  and  shadow  of 
a fair  trial,  that  this  proceeding  be  deferred  until 
to-morrow  morning;  for  I have  no  counsel,  as  I have 
before  stated,  on  whom  I feel  I can  rely ; but  I am 
in  hopes  counsel  may  arrive  who  will  attend  to 
seeing  that  I get  the  witnesses  who  are  necessary 


1 88  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

for  my  defence.  I am  myself  unable  to  attend  to  it. 
I have  given  all  the  attention  I possibly  could  to  it 
but  am  unable  to  see  or  know  about  them,  and  can’t 
even  find  out  their  names ; and  I have  nobody  to  do 
any  errands,  for  my  money  was  all  taken  from  me 
when  I was  sacked  and  stabbed,  and  I have  not  a 
dime.  I had  two  hundred  and  fifty  or  sixty  dollars 
in  silver  and  gold  taken  from  my  pocket,  and  now 
I have  no  possible  means  of  getting  anybody  to  do 
my  errands  for  me,  and  I have  not  had  all  the 
witnesses  subpoenaed.  They  are  not  within  reach, 
and  are  not  here.  I ask  at  least  until  to-morrow 
morning,  to  have  something  done,  if  anything  is 
designed  ; if  not,  I am  ready  for  anything  that  may 
come  up.” 

Having  delivered  this  speech,  he  immediately 
lay  down  again,  drew  his  blanket  over  him,  and 
closing  his  eyes  appeared  to  fall  asleep.  A young 
Boston  lawyer,  Mr  Hoyt,  who  had  arrived  that 
day  as  a volunteer  counsel  for  Brown,  strongly 
supported  his  plea  for  delay,  stating  that  other 
counsel  were  expected  that  night.  Whereupon  the 
Virginian  counsel  who  had  charge  of  Brown’s 
defence  retired  from  the  case,  and  the  court  ad- 
journed. 

In  the  course  of  the  day,  J.  E.  Cook  of  Owen 
Brown’s  party  was  brought  into  gaol  from  Chambers- 
burg. 

The  court  resumed  on  Saturday,  29th,  at  10  a.m., 
when  Brown  had  the  assistance  of  two  additional 
counsel,  Mr  T.  Chilton  of  Washington,  and  Mr  H. 


THE  TRIAL 


189 


Griswold  of  Ohio.  Immediately  the  proceedings 
opened  Mr  Chilton  stated  that,  as  he  had  not  yet 
had  an  opportunity  of  reading  the  indictment  or 
evidence  against  his  client,  and  as  those  who  had 
previously  had  charge  of  the  case  had  retired 
without  his  being  able  to  consult  with  them,  he 
asked  the  court  in  fairness  to  him  and  his  colleagues 
to  allow  of  an  adjournment  for  a few  hours  so  that 
they  might  understand  the  case.  Mr  Griswold 
supported  but  the  court  peremptorily  refused  their 
reasonable  application. 

Evidence  for  the  defence  was  therefore  proceeded 
with,  witnesses  being  called  from  among  Brown’s 
prisoners.  Three  points  were  sought  to  be  proved, 
viz.,  that  Brown  had  treated  his  prisoners  with  every 
consideration,  that  he  carefully  avoided  shooting 
unarmed  prisoners,  and  that  his  only  object  was 
to  free  slaves.  These  propositions  may  be  said  to 
have  been  well  established.  A second  time  the 
defence  asked  for  a short  delay.  Mr  Chilton  de- 
clared he  was  not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the 
case  to  enter  upon  a defence,  and  as  it  was  a 
question  of  life  and  death  they  ought  not  to  be 
precipitate.  Mr  Hoyt  in  supporting  said  that  for 
the  last  five  days  and  nights  he  had  only  slept 
ten  hours,  and  had  once  fallen  unconscious  from 
exhaustion  and  fatigue  produced  by  his  intense 
anxiety  to  prepare  a sound  defence.  They  pro- 
mised not  to  occupy  more  than  two  hours  and  a 
half  on  Monday  if  the  court  would  adjourn  at  this 
point.  Again  they  were  refused,  and  Mr  Hunter 


1 9o  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


entered  upon  his  closing  speech  for  the  prosecution. 
And  yet  the  New  York  Herald , the  Democratic 
organ  of  “Northern  men  with  Southern  principles” 
— then  edited  by  James  Gordon  Bennett — declared 
that  “he  has  received  at  the  hands  of  justice  and 
fair  play  all  the  delay  he  could  possibly  hope 
for.” 

On  Monday,  31st,  the  trial  was  resumed  for  the 
last  time.  Brown’s  counsel  did  the  best  they 
could  for  him  under  the  circumstances,  but  every- 
one knew  the  result  was  a foregone  conclusion. 
After  an  absence  of  forty-five  minutes  the  jury 
returned  with  their  verdict  of  “ Guilty.” 

“ Guilty  of  treason,  and  conspiring  and  advising 
with  slaves  and  others  to  rebel,  and  murder  in  the 
first  degree  ? ” 

Foreman.  “Yes.” 

Although  many  and  bitter  had  been  the  curses 
heaped  on  Brown’s  head  during  the  progress  of  the 
trial,  there  was  dead  silence  now.  Had  Virginia 
an  uneasy  suspicion  that,  after  all,  this  was  but  the 
beginning  and  not  the  end  of  her  slavery  troubles  ? 
And  that  the  greatest  were  yet  to  come?  They 
were  slaying  a hero ; but  thousands  would  speedily 
leap  from  the  ground  to  take  his  place. 

Mr  Chilton  moved  for  arrest  of  judgment  on 
the  ground  of  errors  both  in  the  indictment  and 
verdict,  and  the  motion  was  ordered  to  stand  over 
until  a subsequent  day. 

On  1st  and  2nd  November  Edwin  Coppock’s 
trial  was  proceeded  with.  On  the  second  day, 


THE  TRIAL 


191 

during  the  absence  of  the  jury,  Brown  was  unex- 
pectedly brought  into  court.  He  had  anticipated 
that  all  the  prisoners  would  receive  sentence  at 
the  same  time,  and  was  quite  unprepared  for  the 
course  adopted.  In  the  gaslight  his  face  showed  a 
deathly  pallor,  he  moved  with  difficulty  and  evident 
pain,  and  seating  himself  at  the  table  by  his  counsel, 
he  rested  his  head  upon  his  hands,  apparently 
indifferent  to  what  was  passing  around  him. 

The  judge  read  his  decision  on  the  motion  for 
delay,  refusing  it  absolutely.  Then  the  clerk 
directed  Brown  to  stand  and  say  why  sentence 
should  not  be  passed  upon  him.  He  rose,  and, 
resting  his  hands  on  the  table,  “ in  a voice  singu- 
larly gentle  and  mild,”  spoke  as  follows : — 

“ I have,  may  it  please  the  court,  a few  words 
| to  say.  In  the  first  place,  I deny  everything  but 
what  I have  all  along  admitted — the  design  on  my 
part  to  free  slaves.  I intended  certainly  to  have 
made  a clear  thing  of  that  matter,  as  I did  last 
winter,  when  I went  into  Missouri,  and  there  took 
slaves  without  the  snapping  of  a gun  on  either 
side,  moved  them  through  the  country,  and  finally 
left  them  in  Canada.  I designed  to  have  done 
the  same  thing  again,  on  a larger  scale.  That  was 
all  I intended.  I never  did  intend  murder,  or 
treason,  or  destruction  of  property,  or  to  excite  or 
incite  slaves  to  rebellion,  or  to  make  insurrection. 
I have  another  objection  : and  that  is,  it  is  unjust 
I should  suffer  such  a penalty.  Had  I interfered 
jin  the  manner  which  I admit,  and  which  I admit 


i92  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


has  been  fairly  proved  (for  I admire  the  truthfulness 
and  candour  of  the  greater  portion  of  the  witnesses 
who  have  testified  in  this  case) — had  I so  interfered 
in  behalf  of  the  rich,  the  powerful,  the  intelligent 
and  so-called  great,  or  in  behalf  of  any  of  their 
friends,  either  father,  mother,  brother,  sister,  wife 
or  children,  or  any  of  that  class,  and  suffered  and 
sacrificed  what  I have  in  this  interference,  it  would 
have  been  all  right,  and  every  man  in  this  court 
would  have  deemed  it  an  act  worthy  of  reward 
rather  than  punishment. 

“ This  court  acknowledges,  as  I suppose,  the 
validity  of  the  law  of  God.  I see  a book  kissed 
here  which  I suppose  to  be  the  Bible,  or,  at  least, 
the  New  Testament.  That  teaches  me  that  ‘all 
things  whatsoever  I would  that  men  should  do 
unto  me,  I should  do  even  so  to  them  ! ’ It  teaches 
me  further  to  ‘remember  them  that  are  in  bonds 
as  bound  with  them  ! ’ I endeavoured  to  act  up  to 
that  instruction.  I say,  I am  yet  too  young  to  under- 
stand that  God  is  any  respecter  of  persons.  I 
believe  that  to  have  interfered  as  I have  done,  as 
I have  always  freely  admitted  I have  done,  in  be- 
half of  His  despised  poor,  was  not  wrong,  but  right. 
Now,  if  it  is  deemed  necessary  that  I should  forfeit 
my  life  for  the  furtherance  of  the  ends  of  justice, 
and  mingle  my  blood  further  with  the  blood  of 
my  children,  and  with  the  blood  of  millions  in  this 
slave  country  whose  rights  are  disregarded  by 
wicked,  cruel,  and  unjust  enactments  — I submit : 
so  let  it  be  done. 


THE  TRIAL 


i93 


“ Let  me  say  one  word  further.  I feel  entirely 
satisfied  with  the  treatment  I have  received  on  my 
trial.  Considering  all  the  circumstances,  it  has  been 
more  generous  than  I expected.  But  I feel  no  con- 
sciousness of  guilt.  I have  stated  from  the  first 
what  was  my  intention,  and  what  was  not.  I never 
had  any  design  against  the  life  of  any  person,  nor 
any  disposition  to  commit  treason,  or  excite  slaves 
to  rebel,  or  make  any  general  insurrection.  I never 
encouraged  any  man  to  do  so,  but  always  discouraged 
any  idea  of  that  kind. 

“ Let  me  say,  also,  a word  in  regard  to  the  state- 
ment made  by  some  of  those  connected  with  me. 
I hear  it  has  been  stated  by  some  of  them  that  I 
have  induced  them  to  join  me.  But  the  contrary  is 
true.  I do  not  say  this  to  injure  them,  but  as 
regretting  their  weakness.  There  is  not  one  of  them 
but  joined  me  of  his  own  accord,  and  the  greater 
part  at  their  own  expense.  A number  of  them  I 
never  saw,  and  never  had  a word  of  conversation 
with,  till  the  day  they  came  to  me,  and  that  was 
for  the  purpose  I have  stated.  Now  I have  done.” 

The  judge  immediately  passed  sentence,  which  was, 
that  he  should  be  hanged  by  the  neck  until  he  was 
dead  on  Friday,  2nd  December. 

On  16th  November  his  counsel  appealed  to  the 
Supreme  Court,  but  the  five  judges  of  that  court, 
without  calling  upon  his  counsel  to  address  them, 
confirmed  the  decision  of  the  court  below. 

Brown  has  been  rather  severely  criticised  for  this 
final  speech  by  several  writers,  on  the  ground  that  it 

N 


i94  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

betrayed  weakness,  is  contradicted  in  part  by  his 
letters  and  other  speeches,  and  has  passages  in  it 
unworthy  of  the  heroic  part  he  had  hitherto  played. 
They  speak  of  its  “ lack  of  dramatic  fitness,”  as 
though  a man  broken  in  health,  sorely  wounded  and 
in  bonds,  and  hurriedly  called  upon  to  plead  for  his 
life  could  be  expected  to  have  an  eye  for  what  would 
appeal  to  a critic’s  sense  of  fitness.  If  he  had  pre- 
pared his  speech  carefully  beforehand,  and  had  come 
into  court  expecting  to  deliver  it,  there  might  have 
been  some  justification  for  such  criticisms.  But  being 
called  upon,  as  he  was,  quite  unexpectedly,  and  having 
to  speak  without  notes  on  the  spur  of  the  moment, 
it  needs  no  very  partial  judgment  to  say  that  he 
acquitted  himself  well.  Doubtless,  the  disappoint- 
ment of  the  critics  is  a tribute  to  Brown’s  real 
greatness,  his  usual  level  of  moral  courage  causing 
them  to  expect  an  abnormally  high  standard  of 
conduct  from  him.  What  discrepancy  there  was 
between  one  passage  of  this  speech  and  his  former 
statements  was  put  right  as  soon  as  he  knew  of  it 
by  the  following  letter. 

To  Andrew  Hunter,  Esq. 

“ Charlestown,  Va., 

“ 12nd  November  1859. 

“ Dear  Sir, — I have  just  had  my  attention  called  to 
a seeming  confliction  between  the  statement  I at 
first  made  to  Governor  Wise  and  that  which  I made 


THE  TRIAL 


r9S 


at  the  time  I received  my  sentence,  regarding  my 
intentions  respecting  the  slaves  we  took  about  the 
Ferry.  There  need  be  no  such  confliction,  and 
a few  words  of  explanation  will,  I think,  be  quite 
sufficient.  I had  given  Governor  Wise  a full  and 
particular  account  of  that ; and  when  called  in  court 
to  say  whether  I had  anything  further  to  urge,  I was 
taken  wholly  by  surprise,  as  I did  not  expect  my 
sentence  before  the  others.  In  the  hurry  of  the 
moment  I forgot  much  that  I had  before  intended 
to  say,  and  did  not  consider  the  full  bearing  of  what 
I then  said.  I intended  to  convey  this  idea : that  it 
was  my  intention  to  place  the  slaves  in  a condition  to 
defend  their  liberties  if  they  would,  without  any 
bloodshed,  but  not  that  I intended  to  run  them  out 
of  the  Slave  States.  I was  not  aware  of  any  such 
apparent  confliction  until  my  attention  was  called  to 
it,  and  I do  not  suppose  that  a man  in  my  then 
circumstances  should  be  superhuman  in  respect  to 
the  exact  purport  of  every  word  he  might  utter. 
What  I said  to  Governor  Wise  was  spoken  with  all 
the  deliberation  I was  master  of,  and  was  intended  for 
truth ; and  what  I said  in  court  was  equally  intended 
for  truth,  but  required  a more  full  explanation  than 
I there  gave.  Please  make  such  use  of  this  as  you 
think  calculated  to  correct  any  wrong  impression  I 
may  have  given.  John  Brown.” 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE  INTERIM 

Before  giving  the  history  of  the  few  intervening 
days  between  the  sentence  and  its  execution,  we 
will  pause  to  look  at  the  heavily-stricken  family  at 
North  Elba,  where  anxious  wives  and  children  were 
enduring  the  slow  agony  of  suspense.  They  had 
heard  reports  of  the  attack  and  its  failure,  of  the 
deaths  of  Oliver  and  Watson,  and  the  capture 
of  John  Brown,  but  it  was  not  until  the  after- 
noon of  2 ist  October  that  the  first  definite 
authentic  news  reached  them,  when  a neighbour 
brought  them  a copy  of  the  New  York  Times  of 
the  1 8th. 

Mr  T.  W.  Higginson,  from  whose  interesting 
account  we  have  quoted  in  Chapter  IV.,  had  the 
mournful  duty  of  carrying  the  complete  account  of 
the  trial  to  the  family,  and  of  accompanying  Mrs 
Brown  on  the  first  stages  of  her  journey  to  Charles- 
town. Residing  at  the  mountain  farm,  Mr  Higgin- 
son found  Mrs  Brown,  her  son  Salmon  and  his  wife, 
her  three  daughters,  aged  respectively  sixteen, 
thirteen  and  five,  Annie,  Sarah  and  Ellen,  and  the 

196 


THE  COURT  HOUSE,  CHARLESTOWN,  VA.,  WHERE  JOHN  BROWN  AND  HIS  ASSOCIATES 
WERE  TRIED  AND  SENTENCED. 


THE  INTERIM 


197 


two  young  widows  of  Watson  and  Oliver,  only 
sixteen  and  twenty  years  of  age,  the  latter  of  whom 
died  with  her  infant  shortly  afterwards.  On  a 
neighbouring  farm  lived  Ruth,  Brown’s  daughter 
by  his  first  marriage,  and  sister  to  Owen  who 
escaped.  She  was  the  wife  of  Henry  Thompson 
whose  two  brothers  fell  in  the  attack,  one  of  whom 
left  a widow  also  living  at  North  Elba.  The  narra- 
tive of  the  visit  may  be  told  mainly  in  Higginson’s 
own  words. 

“ Having  had  the  honour  of  Captain  Brown’s 
acquaintance  for  some  years,  I was  admitted  into 
the  confidence  of  the  family.  Everything  that  was 
said  of  the  absent  father  and  husband  bore  testimony 
to  the  same  simple,  upright  character.  Though  they 
had  been  much  separated  from  him  for  the  last  few 
years,  they  all  felt  it  to  be  a necessary  absence,  and 
had  not  only  no  complaint  to  make  but  cordially 
approved  it.  Mrs  Brown  had  been  always  the  sharer 
of  his  plans.  ! Her  husband  always  believed,’  she 
said,  ‘ that  he  was  to  be  an  instrument  in  the  hands 
of  Providence,  and  she  believed  it  too.’  This  plan 
had  occupied  his  thoughts  and  prayers  for  twenty 
years.  Many  a night  he  had  lain  awake  and  prayed 
concerning  it.  Even  now  she  did  not  doubt  he  felt 
satisfied,  because  he  thought  it  would  be  overruled 
by  Providence  for  the  best.  For  herself,  she  said, 
she  had  always  prayed  that  her  husband  might  be 
killed  in  fight  rather  than  fall  alive  into  the  hands 
of  slave-holders,  but  she  could  not  regret  it  now,  in 


198  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

view  of  the  noble  words  of  freedom  which  it  had 
been  his  privilege  to  utter. 

“ As  I sat  that  evening,  with  the  women  busily 
sewing  around  me,  preparing  the  mother  for  her 
sudden  departure  on  the  morrow,  some  daguerreo- 
types were  brought  out  to  show  me,  and  some- 
one said : ‘ This  is  Oliver,  one  of  those  who  were 
killed  at  Harper’s  Ferry.’  I glanced  up  sidelong 
at  the  young  fair-haired  girl,  who  sat  near  me 
by  the  little  table — a wife  at  fifteen  a widow  at 
sixteen,  and  this  was  her  husband,  and  he  was 
killed.  As  the  words  were  spoken  in  her  hear- 
ing, not  a muscle  quivered,  and  her  finger  did 
not  tremble  as  she  drew  the  thread.  To  the 
Browns,  killing  means  simply  dying,  nothing 
more ; one  gate  into  heaven,  and  that  one  a 
good  deal  frequented  by  their  family,  that  is  all. 
There  was  no  hardness  about  all  this,  no  mere 
stoicism  of  will ; only  God  had  inured  them  to 
the  realities  of  things.  They  were  not  supported 
by  any  notions  of  worldly  honour  or  applause. 
They  asked  but  one  question  : ‘ Does  it  seem  as 
if  Freedom  were  to  gain  or  lose  by  this  ? ’ 
Principle  is  the  word  I brought  away  with  me 
as  most  familiar  in  their  vocabulary.  That  is 
their  standard  of  classification.  A man  may  be 
brave,  ardent,  generous ; no  matter — if  he  is  not 
all  this  from  principle,  it  is  nothing.  The 
daughters,  who  knew  all  the  Harper’s  Ferry  men, 
had  no  confidence  in  Cook,  because  ‘ he  was  not 
a man  of  principle.’  They  would  trust  Stevens 


THE  INTERIM 


199 


round  the  world,  because  ‘ he  was  a man  of 
principle.’  ‘ He  tries  the  hardest  to  be  good,’ 
said  Annie  Brown,  in  her  simple  way,  ‘ of  any 
man  I ever  saw.’ 

“ In  the  midst  of  all  their  sorrow,  their  strong 
and  healthy  hearts  could  enjoy  the  record  of 
his  conversation  with  the  Virginians  and  applaud 
the  keen,  wise,  simple  answers  which  I read  to 
them.  . . . When,  for  instance,  I read  the  in- 
quiry : ‘ Did  you  go  out  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society  ? ’ and  the  answer 
was,  ‘No,  sir,  I went  out  under  the  auspices  of 
John  Brown,’  their  voices  cried  eagerly,  ‘That’s 
true,’  or  ‘ That’s  so.’  And  when  it  was  related 
that  the  young  Virginian  volunteer  taxed  him 
with  the  want  of  military  foresight  in  bringing  so 
small  a party  to  conquer  Virginia,  and  the 
veteran  imperturbably  informed  the  young  man 
that  probably  their  views  on  military  matters 
would  materially  differ,  there  was  a general 
delightful  chorus  of  ‘ That  sounds  just  like 
father.’  And  his  sublimer  expressions  of  faith 
and  self  - devotion  produced  no  excitement  or 
surprise  among  them,  since  they  knew  in  advance 
all  that  which  we  know  now  of  him,  and  these 
things  only  elicited  at  times  a half-stifled  sigh, 
as  they  reflected  that  they  might  never  hear 
that  beloved  voice  again. 

“ I did  not,  of  course,  insult  Mrs  Brown  by  any 
reference  to  the  charge  of  insanity  against  her 
husband ; but  she  alluded  to  it  herself  with 


200  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PRO  WN 


surprise,  and  said  if  her  husband  were  insane 
he  had  been  consistent  in  his  insanity  from  the 
first  moment  she  knew  him. 

“ It  is  natural  for  those  who  read  this  narrative 
to  ask,  what  is  the  pecuniary  condition  of  this 
household?  It  is  hard  to  answer,  because  the 
whole  standard  is  different  as  to  such  matters 
in  North  Elba  and  in  Massachusetts.  The  ordinary 
condition  of  the  Brown  family  may  be  stated 
as  follows : They  own  the  farm,  such  as  it  is, 
without  incumbrance,  except  so  far  as  unfelled 
forest  constitutes  one.  They  have  ordinarily 
enough  to  eat  of  what  the  farm  yields,  namely, 
bread  and  potatoes,  pork  and  mutton — not  any 
great  abundance  of  these,  but  ordinarily  enough. 
They  have  ordinarily  enough  to  wear,  at  least 
of  woollen  clothing,  spun  by  themselves.  But 
they  have  no  money.  When  I say  this  I do 
not  merely  mean  that  they  have  no  superfluous 
cash  to  go  shopping  with,  but  I mean  almost 
literally  that  they  have  none.  For  nearly  a 
whole  winter,  Mrs  Brown  said,  they  had  no 
money  with  which  to  pay  postage,  except  a tiny 
treasury  which  the  younger  girls  had  earned  for 
that  express  object,  during  the  previous  summer, 
by  picking  berries  for  a neighbour  three  miles 
off. 

“ The  reason  of  these  privations  simply  was, 
that  it  cost  money  to  live  in  Kansas  in  adherence 
to  the  cause  of  freedom,  but  not  so  much  to  live 
at  North  Elba ; and  therefore  the  women  must 


THE  INTERIM 


201 


stint  themselves  that  the  men  might  continue 
their  Kansas  work.  But  when  the  father  came 
upon  his  visits,  he  never  came  empty-handed, 
but  brought  a little  money,  some  plain  house- 
hold stores,  flour,  sugar,  rice,  salt  fish ; tea  and 
coffee  they  do  not  use.  But  what  their  standard 
of  expense  is  may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that 
Mrs  Brown  seemed  to  speak  as  if  her  youngest 
widowed  daughter  was  not  totally  and  absolutely 
destitute,  because  her  husband  had  left  a property 
of  five  sheep,  which  would  belong  to  her.  These 
sheep,  I found  on  inquiry,  were  worth,  at  that 
place  and  season,  two  dollars  apiece;  a child  of 
sixteen,  left  a widow  in  the  world,  with  an 

estate  amounting  to  ten  dollars ! The  immediate 
financial  anxieties  of  Mrs  Brown  herself  seemed 
chiefly  to  relate  to  a certain  formidable  tax  bill, 
due  at  New  Year’s  time;  if  they  could  only 
weather  that,  all  was  clear  for  the  immediate 
future.  How  much  was  it,  I asked,  rather 

surprised  that  that  wild  country  should  pro- 

duce a high  rate  of  taxation.  It  was  from  eight 
to  ten  dollars,  she  gravely  said;  and  she  had 

put  by  ten  dollars  for  that  purpose,  but  had  had 
occasion  to  lend  most  of  it  to  a poor  black 
woman,  with  no  great  hope  of  repayment.  And 
one  of  the  first  things  done  by  her  husband,  on 
recovering  his  money  in  Virginia,  was  to  send 
her,  through  me,  fifteen  dollars  to  make  sure 
of  that  tax  bill. 

“ I spent  but  one  night  at  the  house,  and  drove 


202  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

away  with  Mrs  Brown  in  the  early  frosty  morn- 
ing, from  that  breezy  mountain  home  which  her 
husband  loved  — as  one  of  them  told  me — 

‘ because  he  seemed  to  think  there  was  some- 
thing romantic  in  that  kind  of  scenery.’  There 
was,  indeed,  always  a sort  of  thrill  in  John 
Brown’s  voice  when  he  spoke  of  mountains.  I 
never  shall  forget  the  quiet  way  in  which  he 
once  told  me  that  ‘ God  had  established  the 
Alleghany  Mountains  from  the  foundation  of 
the  world  that  they  might  one  day  be  a refuge 
for  fugitive  slaves ! ’ I did  not  then  know  that 
his  own  home  was  among  the  Adirondacks.” 

The  next  day,  on  the  railway,  Mr  Higginson  put 
into  Mrs  Brown’s  hands  the  newspaper  containing 
the  copy  of  the  death-warrant.  She  read  it,  and 
then  the  tall,  strong  woman  bent  her  head  for  a 
few  minutes  on  the  seat  before  her ; then  she  raised 
it,  and  spoke  as  calmly  as  before. 

On  reaching  Baltimore,  Mrs  Brown  was  met 
by  a letter  from  her  husband,  under  date  16th 
November,  asking  her  to  defer  her  visit  for  the 
present.  Under  the  prevailing  intense  excitement  he 
thought  a visit  neither  wise  nor  desirable.  Mrs  Brown 
returned  northwards  and  became  the  guest  of  Mr  and 
Mrs  Marcus  Spring  at  Perth  Amboy,  New  Jersey. 

Theodore  Tilton,  a correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Independent , had  an  interview  with  her  here,  and 
thus  describes  his  impressions. 

“Ten  minutes’  acquaintance  is  enough  to  show 


THE  INTERIM 


203 


that  she  is  a woman  worthy  to  be  the  wife  of 
such  a man.  She  is  tall,  large  and  muscular, 
giving  the  impression  at  first  sight  of  a frame 
capable  of  great  strength  and  long  endurance. 
Her  face  is  grave  and  thoughtful,  wearing  even 
in  this  hour  of  her  trial  an  expression  of  sober- 
ness rather  than  of  sadness,  as  if,  like  her  husband, 
she  had  long  since  learned  how  to  suffer  and  be 
calm.  Her  manner  is  singularly  quiet  and  retiring, 
although  her  natural  simplicity  and  modesty 
cannot  hide  the  evident  force  of  character  and 
strength  of  will  and  judgment  which  have  fitted 
her  so  long  to  be  a counsellor  in  her  husband’s 
enterprises,  and  a supporter  in  his  trials.  Not- 
withstanding the  cares  of  her  numerous  family, 
and  her  many  privations  and  struggles  independent 
of  household  burdens,  she  still  appears  as  fresh 
and  hale  as  if  she  were  only  now  in  the  prime 
and  vigour  of  life. 

“ I adverted,  in  alluding  to  Captain  Brown’s 
religious  opinions,  to  the  common  report  that  he 
was  an  Old  - School  Presbyterian.  She  replied 
that  he  had  been  a church  member  ever  since  he 
was  a boy ; that  he  united  at  sixteen  years  of 
age  with  a Congregational  Church  in  Hudson, 
Ohio ; and  that  on  removing  to  Pennsylvania 
thirty  years  ago,  he  transferred  his  membership 
to  the  Presbyterian  Church,  with  which  he  had 
since  remained  connected.  She  said  that  the 
religious  element  of  his  character  had  always 
been  the  ruling  motive  of  his  life.  He  had  always 


204  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


observed  religious  exercises  in  his  household  with 
exemplary  regularity.  It  had  been  for  many 
years  the  custom  of  the  family  to  read  the  Bible 
every  morning,  in  regular  course  of  chapters,  each 
member  reading  in  turn  a verse.  She  said  that 
her  husband’s  familiarity  with  texts  of  Scripture 
was  so  great  that  he  could  detect  almost  the 
slightest  misquotation  of  any  passage,  and  that  if 
a portion  of  a verse  in  almost  any  part  of  the 
Bible  were  read  or  repeated  to  him,  he  could 
immediately  repeat  the  remainder.  His  conversa- 
tion frequently  abounded  with  Scripture  texts,  and 
his  letters  were  always  filled  with  them. 

“ In  his  habits  of  living,  his  wife  testified  that 
he  was  always  singularly  self-denying.  As  an 
example,  he  never  suffered  himself  or  his  family 
to  wear  expensive  clothing.  His  standing  ad- 
monition was,  ‘ Let  us  save  the  money  and  give 
to  the  poor.’  The  day  before  yesterday,  when 
some  clothes  were  sent  from  New  York  to  Mrs 
Brown,  to  go  in  a box  to  her  husband,  among 
the  articles  was  a new  coat  of  fine  brown  cloth, 
which,  when  it  was  shown  to  her,  she  immediately 
pronounced  too  gay  for  her  husband  to  wear.  It 
was  accordingly  sent  back,  and  last  evening  there 
came  instead  a coarser  coat,  which  would  better 
suit  his  taste,  and  which  he  might  not  think  too 
good  for  him  to  put  on ! He  never  in  his  life 
has  used  tobacco  or  ardent  spirits,  and  never 
within  the  last  few  years  has  taken  tea  or  coffee. 
His  mode  of  living  has  been  so  rigidly  temperate 


THE  INTERIM 


205 


that,  in  Kansas,  he  would  sometimes  go  for  days 
with  scarcely  a mouthful  of  food,  and  suffer  no 
faintness  or  exhaustion. 

“ I referred  incidentally  to  the  design  upon 
Harper’s  Ferry  as  having  been  premeditated  for 
two  years,  to  which  she  immediately  replied, 
‘Not  for  two  years,  but  for  twenty ! He  had  been 
waiting  for  twenty  years  for  some  opportunity  to 
free  the  slaves ; we  had  all  been  waiting  with 
him  the  proper  time  when  he  should  put  his 
resolve  into  action ; and  when  at  last  the  enter- 
prise at  Harper’s  Ferry  was  planned,  we  all 
thought  that  the  time  had  now  come.  Mr  Brown 
was  sanguine  of  success;  we  all  were  equally  con- 
fident ; he  had  no  idea,  nor  had  any  of  the  family, 
that  the  experiment  would  result  in  defeat;  we 
all  looked  to  it  as  fulfilling  the  hopes  of  many 
years.’  She  shortly  added  : ‘ For  he  has  borne 
the  yoke  of  the  oppressed,  as  if  upon  his  own 
neck,  for  these  thirty  years.’ 

“ She  made  several  and  repeated  references  to 
various  newspaper  accounts  in  which  her  husband’s 
character  had  been  misrepresented.  She  had  been 
pained  to  see  him  described  as  a cruel  man,  for, 
she  said,  ‘No  man  ever  had  a kinder  heart;  he  is 
generous  by  nature ; he  has  always  aimed  to  im- 
press his  family  with  a spirit  of  benevolence;  he 
has  always  taught  his  children  to  be  unselfish — 
to  act  always  for  others  before  acting  for  them- 
selves. His  sympathies  for  the  poor  and  the 
oppressed  have  always  been  too  easily  excited.’  ” 


206  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


A box  was  being  filled  with  clothing,  writing 
materials,  a few  favourite  books,  delicacies,  etc.,  and 
as  friends  pressed  eagerly  round  it  to  have  their  con- 
tributions included,  Mrs  Brown  quite  broke  down, 
and  withdrawing  to  another  part  of  the  room,  sobbed, 
“ Poor  man,  he  will  not  need  them  long  ! ” 

Mrs  Brown  next  went  to  Philadelphia,  where 
she  became  the  guest  first  of  Mr  and  Mrs  J. 
Mott,  and  then  of  Mr  J.  Miller  M‘Kim,  a corre- 
spondent of  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard.  We 
quote  a paragraph  or  two  from  a long  account 
published  in  that  paper  from  M'Kim’s  pen. 

“ As  for  Mrs  Brown  herself,  she  is  just  the 
woman  to  be  the  wife  of  the  hero  of  Harper’s 
Ferry.  Stalwart  of  frame  and  strong  in  native 
intellect,  she  is  imbued  with  the  same  religious 
faith,  and  her  heart  overflows  with  the  same 
sympathies.  Her  bearing  in  her  present  distress 
is  admirable.  She  is  brave  without  insensibility, 
tender  without  weakness ; and  though  over- 
whelmed by  the  deepest  sorrow,  her  sorrow  is  not 
as  of  one  having  no  hope.  Yet  her  hope  is  not 
that  her  husband  will  be  reprieved,  or  have  his 
sentence  commuted,  but  that  all  he  has  done 
and  is  now  doing  will  not  only  accrue  to  the 
benefit,  but  precipitate  the  triumph  of  the  cause 
they  have  all  had  so  much  at  heart.” 

She  read  eagerly  all  that  the  newspapers  said 
of  her  husband,  with  the  exception  of  the  New 
York  Observer.  The  Observer  was  the  organ  of 
the  Old- School  Presbyterians , a “ religious  ” journal 


THE  INTERIM 


207 


bitterly  opposed  to  all  interference  with  slavery, 
and  peculiarly  offensive  in  its  references  to 
Abolitionists.  Its  editor  was  the  Rev.  S.  I. 
Prime. 

“ That  paper,”  said  Mrs  Brown,  with  unusual 
excitement,  “ that  paper  I cannot  abide.  I can 
read  all  that  the  Southern  papers  say,  and  all 
that  is  said  in  the  New  York  Herald,  but  I 
cannot  bear  to  read  anything  from  the  New 
York  Observer It  is  the  fate  of  all  genuine  re- 
formers to  receive  their  severest  wounds  in  the 
house  of  their  friends. 

But  the  after-time  renders  justice.  Few  “ Old- 
School  ” or  any  other  school  Presbyterians  but 
would  be  glad  to-day  to  blot  out  that  chapter 
from  the  history  of  their  religious  journalism. 

But  it  is  time  we  returned  to  our  hero  in  Charles- 
town Gaol. 

On  31st  October,  after  the  verdict  had  been  pro- 
nounced, and  he  was  waiting  for  the  sentence  which 
must  soon  follow,  Brown  commenced  a letter  to 
his  family,  the  first  he  had  written  them  since  his 
capture.  By  the  P.S.  it  is  seen  that  it  was  not 
despatched  until  3rd  November,  indicative,  among 
other  things,  of  the  painful  slowness  with  which  he 
was  only  able  to  write.  Several  other  letters  indicate 
the  same  thing.* 

* “See  what  a work  this  comparatively  unread  and  unlettered  man 
wrote  within  six  weeks  ! He  wrote  in  prison,  not  a History  of  the 
World , like  Raleigh,  but  an  American  book  which  I think  will  live 
longer  than  that.  What  a variety  of  themes  he  touched  on  in  that 
short  space.” — Thoreau. 


208  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


First  Letter  from  Prison.  To  his  Family  at 
North  Elba. 

“Charlestown,  Jefferson  County, 
“Virginia,  31^  October  1859. 

“ My  dear  Wife  and  Children,  Every  One, — 
I suppose  you  have  learned  before  this,  by  the  news- 
papers, that  two  weeks  ago  to-day  we  were  fighting 
for  our  lives  at  Harper’s  Ferry ; that  during  the 
fight  Watson  was  mortally  wounded  ; Oliver  killed, 
William  Thompson  killed,  and  Dauphin  slightly 
wounded ; that  on  the  following  day  I was  taken 
prisoner,  immediately  after  which  I received  several 
sabre  cuts  in  my  head  and  bayonet  stabs  in  my 
body.  As  nearly  as  I can  learn,  Watson  died  of 
his  wounds  on  Wednesday,  the  second,  or  on 
Thursday,  the  third,  day  after  I was  taken.  Dauphin 
was  killed  when  I was  taken,  and  Anderson,  I 
suppose,  also.  I have  since  been  tried,  and  found 
guilty  of  treason,  etc.,  and  of  murder  in  the  first 
degree.  I have  not  yet  received  my  sentence.  No 
others  of  the  company  with  whom  you  were  ac- 
quainted were,  so  far  as  I can  learn,  either  killed 
or  taken.  Under  all  these  terrible  calamities  I 
feel  quite  cheerful  in  the  assurance  that  God  reigns, 
and  will  overrule  all  for  His  glory  and  the  best 
possible  good.  I feel  no  consciousness  of  guilt 
in  the  matter,  not  even  mortification  on  account  of 
my  imprisonment  and  irons ; and  I feel  perfectly 
assured  that  very  soon  no  member  of  my  family 


THE  INTERIM 


209 


will  feel  any  possible  disposition  to  ‘blush  on  my 
account.’  Already  dear  friends  at  a distance,  with 
kindest  sympathy,  are  cheering  me  with  the  assur- 
ance that  posterity  at  least  will  do  me  justice.  I 
shall  commend  you  all  together,  with  my  beloved, 
but  bereaved,  daughters-in-law,  to  their  sympathies, 
which  I have  no  doubt  will  soon  reach  you.  I also 
commend  you  all  to  Him  ‘whose  mercy  endureth 
for  ever  ’ — to  the  God  of  my  fathers,  ‘ whose  I am, 
and  whom  I serve.’  ‘ He  will  never  leave  you  or 
forsake  you,’  unless  you  forsake  Him.  Finally,  my 
dearly  beloved,  be  of  good  comfort.  Be  sure  to 
remember  and  to  follow  my  advice,  and  my 
example  too,  so  far  as  it  has  been  consistent  with 
the  holy  religion  of  Jesus  Christ,  in  which  I remain 
a most  firm  and  humble  believer.  Never  forget  the 
poor,  nor  think  anything  you  bestow  on  them  to 
be  lost  to  you,  even  though  they  may  be  as  black 
as  Ebedmelech,  the  Ethiopian  eunuch  who  cared 
for  Jeremiah  in  the  pit  of  the  dungeon,  or  as  black 
as  the  one  to  whom  Philip  preached  Christ.  Be 
sure  to  entertain  strangers,  for  thereby  some  have — 
‘ Remember  them  that  are  in  bonds  as  bound  with 
them ! ’ 

“I  am  in  charge  of  a jailer  like  the  one  who  took 
charge  of  ‘ Paul  and  Silas,’  and  you  may  rest 
assured  that  both  kind  hearts  and  kind  faces  are 
more  or  less  about  me,  whilst  thousands  are  thirst- 
ing for  my  blood.  ‘ These  light  afflictions,  which 
are  but  for  a moment,  shall  work  out  for  us  a far 
more  exceeding  and  eternal  weight  of  glory.’  I 

O 


2io  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

hope  to  be  able  to  write  you  again.  My  wounds 
are  doing  well.  Copy  this,  and  send  it  to  your 
sorrow-stricken  brothers,  Ruth,  to  comfort  them. 
Write  me  a few  words  in  regard  to  the  welfare  of 
all.  God  Almighty  bless  you  all  and  make  you 
‘joyful  in  the  midst  of  all  your  tribulations.’  Write 
to  John  Brown,  Charlestown,  Jefferson  County,  Va., 
care  of  Captain  John  Avis.  — Your  affectionate 
husband  and  father,  John  Brown. 

“ P.S. — Yesterday,  2nd  November,  I was  sentenced 
to  be  hanged  on  2nd  December  next.  Do  not 
grieve  on  my  account.  I am  still  quite  cheerful. 
God  bless  you. — Yours  ever,  JOHN  Brown.” 

Two  things  appear  to  have  been  uppermost  in  his 
mind  during  this  last  month  of  his  life  ; the  future 
welfare  of  his  family  and  the  progress  of  the  cause 
for  which  he  had  sacrificed  his  life.  As  numerous 
offers  of  sympathy  and  help  reached  him  from  all 
quarters,  he  wisely  laboured  to  turn  this  feeling  into 
practical  channels,  so  that  those  whom  he  must 
soon  leave  behind  might  be  saved  from  actual 
want. 

To  Mrs  Maria  Child,  who  offered  to  go  to  Charles- 
town to  attend  to  his  comfort,  he  wrote,  31st  October, 
after  thanking  her  for  her  offer : — 

“ Allow  me  to  name  to  you  another  channel 
through  which  you  may  reach  me  with  your 
sympathies  much  more  effectually.  I have  at  home 


THE  INTERIM 


21  I 


a wife  and  three  young  daughters — the  youngest 
but  little  over  five  years  old,  the  oldest  nearly 
sixteen.  I have  also  two  daughters-in-law,  whose 
husbands  have  both  fallen  near  me  here.  There  is 
also  another  widow,  Mrs  Thompson,  whose  husband 
fell  here.  Whether  she  is  a mother  or  not,  I cannot 
say.  All  these,  my  wife  included,  live  at  North  Elba, 
Essex  County,  New  York.  I have  a middle-aged 
son,  who  has  been,  in  some  degree,  a cripple  from 
his  childhood,  who  would  have  as  much  as  he  could 
well  do  to  earn  a living.  He  was  a most  dreadful 
sufferer  in  Kansas,  and  lost  all  he  had  laid  up.  He 
has  not  enough  to  clothe  himself  for  the  winter 
comfortably.  I have  no  living  son,  or  son-in-law, 
who  did  not  suffer  terribly  in  Kansas. 

“Now,  dear  friend,  would  you  not  as  soon  con- 
tribute fifty  cents  now,  and  a like  sum  yearly,  for 
the  relief  of  those  very  poor  and  deeply-afflicted 
persons,  to  enable  them  to  supply  themselves  and 
their  children  with  bread  and  very  plain  clothing, 
and  to  enable  the  children  to  receive  a common 
English  education?  Will  you  also  devote  your 
own  energies  to  induce  others  to  join  in  giving  a 
like  amount,  or  any  other  amount,  to  constitute  a 
little  fund  for  the  purpose  named  ? I cannot  see 
how  your  coming  here  can  do  me  the  least  good  ; 
and  I am  quite  certain  you  can  do  me  immense  good 
where  you  are.  I am  quite  cheerful  under  all  my 
afflicting  circumstances  and  prospects  ; having,  as  I 
humbly  trust,  ‘the  peace  of  God  which  passeth  all 
understanding,’  to  rule  in  my  heart.” 


2 1 2 LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PR  O WN 

The  same  theme  fills  much  of  another  letter 
which  he  wrote  at  this  time  to  a Quaker  lady  of 
Rhode  Island,  who  had  written  him  a warmly 
sympathetic  letter. 


“ Tuesday , 1 st  November  1859 

“ My  dear  Friend,  E.  B.,  of  Rhode  Island,— 
Your  most  cheering  letter  of  27th  October  is  re- 
ceived, and  may  the  Lord  reward  you  a thousand- 
fold for  the  kind  feeling  you  express  towards  me ; 
but  more  especially  for  your  fidelity  to  the  ‘ poor 
that  cry,  and  those  that  have  no  help.’  For  this  I 
am  a prisoner  in  bonds.  It  is  solely  my  own  fault, 
in  a military  point  of  view,  that  we  met  with  our 
disaster.  I mean,  that  I mingled  with  our  prisoners, 
and  so  far  sympathised  with  them  and  their  families 
that  I neglected  my  duty  in  other  respects.  But 
God’s  will,  not  mine,  be  done.  You  know  that 
Christ  once  armed  Peter,  so  also  in  my  case.  I 
think  He  put  a sword  into  my  hand,  and  there  con- 
tinued it  so  long  as  He  saw  best,  and  then  kindly 
took  it  from  me ; I mean,  when  I first  went  to 
Kansas.  I wish  you  could  know  with  what  cheer- 
fulness I am  now  wielding  the  ‘ sword  of  the  spirit,’ 
on  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left.  I bless  God 
that  it  proves  ‘ mighty  to  the  pulling  down  of 
strongholds.’  I always  loved  my  Quaker  friends, 
and  I commend  to  their  kind  regard  my  poor, 
bereaved,  widowed  wife,  and  my  daughters  and 
daughters-in-law,  whose  husbands  fell  at  my  side. 


THE  INTERIM 


2x3 


One  is  a mother,  and  the  other  is  likely  to  become 
so  soon.  They,  as  well  as  my  own  sorrow-stricken 
daughter,  are  left  very  poor,  and  have  much  greater 
need  of  sympathy  than  I,  who,  through  Infinite 
Grace  and  the  kindness  of  strangers,  am  ‘joyful  in 
all  my  tribulations.’ 

“ Dear  sister,  write  to  them  at  North  Elba,  Essex 
County,  New  York,  to  comfort  their  sad  hearts. 
Direct  to  Mary  A.  Brown,  wife  of  John  Brown. 
There  is  also  another — a widow — wife  of  Thompson, 
who  fell  with  my  poor  boys  in  the  affair  at  Harper’s 
Ferry,  at  the  same  place. 

“ I do  not  feel  conscious  of  guilt  in  taking  up  arms  ; 
and  had  it  been  in  behalf  of  the  rich  and  powerful, 
the  intelligent,  the  great — as  men  count  greatness 
— of  those  who  form  enactments  to  suit  them- 
selves, and  corrupt  others,  or  some  of  their  friends, 
that  I interfered,  suffered,  sacrificed  and  fell,  it 
would  have  been  doing  very  well.  But  enough  of 
this. 

“ These  light  afflictions,  which  endure  for  a 
moment,  shall  work  out  for  me  a far  more  ex- 
ceeding and  eternal  weight  of  glory.  I would  be 
very  grateful  for  another  letter  from  you.  My 
wounds  are  healing.  Farewell.  God  will  surely 
attend  to  His  own  cause  in  the  best  possible  way 
and  time,  and  He  will  not  forget  the  work  of  His 
own  hands. — Your  friend, 

“John  Brown.” 

On  2nd  November,  the  day  he  received  sentence, 


2 14  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

two  friendly  visitors  from  Boston  were  allowed  to 
see  him,  much  to  his  gratification,  in  the  persons  of 
Judge  Russell  and  his  wife.  A reporter,  admitted 
to  his  cell  the  same  day,  said  Brown  was  occupying 
himself  with  reading  and  writing.  He  expressed 
great  admiration  for  Captain  Avis,  his  gaoler,  whom 
he  declared  to  be  one  of  the  bravest  men  he  ever 
saw,  whose  treatment  of  his  prisoners  was  pre- 
cisely what  he  should  have  expected  from  so  just 
and  humane  a man.  Brown  further  stated  that  he 
welcomed  visitors,  and  that  he  was  preaching  con- 
stantly on  the  enormities  of  slavery.  His  wounds 
had  all  healed  without  suppuration,  except  the 
one  on  the  back  of  his  head,  and  the  scars  were 
scarcely  visible.  He  attributed  his  very  rapid 
recovery  to  his  strictly  abstemious  habits  through- 
out life.  His  visitor  added  : “ He  is  really  a man 
of  imposing  appearance,  and  neither  his  tattered 
garments,  the  rents  in  which  were  caused  by  sword 
cuts,  nor  his  scarred  face,  can  detract  from  the 
manliness  of  his  mien.  He  is  always  composed, 
and  every  trace  of  disquietude  has  left  him.” 

Another  reporter  who  saw  him  on  3rd  November 
said  : “ Brown’s  cheerfulness  never  fails  him.  He 
converses  with  all  who  visit  him  in  a manner  so 
free  from  restraint,  and  with  so  much  unconcern, 
that  none  can  doubt  his  real  convictions  of  self- 
approval. His  daring  courage  has  strongly  im- 
pressed the  people,  and  I have  more  than  once 
heard  public  avowals  of  admiration  of  his  fear- 
lessness, in  spite  of  ominous  murmurs  of  disapproba- 


THE  INTERIM 


215 

tion  from  bystanders.  You  at  a distance,”  he 
continues,  “can  hardly  form  an  idea  of  the  rage 
for  vengeance  which  is  felt  by  the  citizens  of  this 
place.  The  populace  are  resolute  that  their  victims 
shall  never  be  taken  from  them.  Brown’s  own 
ideas  on  the  subject  are  characteristic.  He 
tranquilly  says : ‘ I do  not  know  that  I ought  to 
encourage  any  attempt  to  save  my  life.  I am  not 
sure  that  it  would  not  be  better  for  me  to  die  at 
this  time.  I am  not  incapable  of  error,  and  I 
may  be  wrong ; but  I think  that  perhaps  my 
object  would  be  nearer  fulfilment  if  I should  die.’ 
The  only  compunctions  he  expresses  are  in  rela- 
tion to  his  management  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  by 
which  he  lost  not  only  himself,  but  sacrificed  his 
associates.  It  was,  he  says,  his  weakness  in 
yielding  to  the  entreaties  of  the  prisoners,  and 
thus  delaying  his  departure,  that  ruined  him.  ‘ It 
was  the  first  time  that  I ever  lost  command  of 
myself,  and  now  I am  punished  for  it.’” 

On  the  morning  of  Sunday,  6th,  Mrs  Spring  of 
Perth  Amboy,  New  Jersey,  who  entertained  Mrs 
Brown  on  her  way  to  Charlestown,  visited  the  cell 
with  her  son.  She  found  Brown  still  dressed  in 
the  clothes  in  which  he  was  captured,  lying  on 
his  bed,  a cloth  under  his  head  being  much  stained 
with  blood  from  a still  open  wound.  He  was 
calm  and  cheerful,  discussed  his  plans  and  his 
hopes  for  the  success  of  the  cause.  Twenty  years 
he  had  laboured,  waited  and  suffered;  and  at  last 
he  believed  the  time  of  fulfilment  had  come.  But 


2 1 6 LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

he  had  failed  ; and  instead  of  being  free  on  the 
mountains,  setting  the  oppressed  at  liberty,  he  was 
shorn  of  his  strength  and  within  prison  walls.  “ I 
think  I cannot  now  better  serve  the  cause  I love 
so  much  than  to  die  for  it;  and  in  my  death  I 
may  do  more  than  in  my  life.  I sleep  as  peacefully 
as  an  infant,”  he  added,  “ or,  if  I am  wakeful,  glorious 
thoughts  come  to  me,  entertaining  my  mind.  The 
sentence  they  have  pronounced  against  me  does 
not  disturb  me  in  the  least,  it  is  not  the  first  time 
I have  looked  death  in  the  face.”  Then,  with  a 
smile,  “ I have  one  unconquerable  weakness  : I have 
always  been  more  afraid  of  being  taken  into  an 
evening  party  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  than  of 
meeting  a company  of  men  with  guns.” 

On  Tuesday,  8th,  Mrs  Spring  visited  him  again. 
She  found  him  sitting  at  a table  just  finishing 
the  following  letter  to  his  wife  and  family,  which 
he  requested  Mrs  Spring  to  take  with  her.  He 
looked  better,  brighter  and  happier  than  on  the 
Sunday.  The  authorities  had  at  last  supplied  him 
with  fresh  clothing.  He  talked  only  about  his 
family,  whom  he  commended  to  the  kindness  of  all 
good  friends. 

The  letter  Mrs  Spring  took  from  him  read  as 
follows  : — 


“ Charlestown,  Wi  November  1859. 

“ Dear  Wife  and  Children,  Every  One, — I will 
begin  by  saying  that  I have  in  some  degree  re- 


THE  INTERIM 


217 


covered  from  my  wounds,  but  that  I am  quite  weak 
in  my  back,  and  sore  about  my  left  kidney.  My 
appetite  has  been  quite  good  most  of  the  time 
since  I was  hurt.  I am  supplied  with  almost 
everything  I could  desire  to  make  me  comfortable, 
and  the  little  I lack  (some  articles  of  clothing 
which  I lost)  I may  perhaps  soon  get  again.  I am, 
besides,  quite  cheerful,  having,  as  I trust,  the  peace 
of  God  which  ‘ passeth  all  understanding,’  to  ‘ rule 
in  my  heart,’  and  the  testimony  (in  some  degree) 
of  a good  conscience  that  I have  not  lived  alto- 
gether in  vain.  I can  trust  God  with  both  the 
time  and  the  manner  of  my  death,  believing  as  I 
now  do,  that  for  me  at  this  time  to  seal  my 
testimony  for  God  and  humanity  with  my  blood 
will  do  vastly  more  towards  advancing  the  cause 
I have  earnestly  endeavoured  to  promote,  than  all 
I have  done  in  my  life  before.  I beg  of  you  all 
meekly  and  quietly  to  submit  to  this,  not  feeling 
yourselves  in  the  least  degraded  on  that  account. 
Remember,  dear  wife  and  children  all,  that  Jesus 
of  Nazareth  suffered  a most  excruciating  death  on 
the  cross  as  a felon,  under  the  most  aggravating 
circumstances.  Think  also  of  the  prophets  and 
apostles,  and  Christians  of  former  days,  who  went 
through  greater  tribulations  than  you  or  I ; and  try 
to  be  reconciled.  May  God  Almighty  comfort  all 
your  hearts  and  soon  wipe  away  all  tears  from 
your  eyes.  To  Him  be  endless  praise.  Think,  too, 
of  the  crushed  millions  who  ‘ have  no  comforter.’ 
I charge  you  all  never  in  your  trials  to  forget  the 


2 1 8 LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


griefs  of  ‘ the  poor  that  cry,  and  of  those  that  have 
none  to  help  them.’ 

“ I wrote  most  earnestly  to  my  dear  and  afflicted 
wife  not  to  come  on  for  the  present,  at  anyrate.  I 
will  now  give  her  my  reasons  for  doing  so.  First,  it 
would  use  up  all  the  scanty  means  she  has,  or  is  at 
all  likely  to  have,  to  make  herself  and  children 
comfortable  hereafter.  For  let  me  tell  you  that  the 
sympathy  that  is  now  aroused  in  your  behalf  may 
not  always  follow  you.  There  is  but  little  more  of 
the  romantic  about  helping  poor  widows  and  their 
children,  than  there  is  about  trying  to  relieve  poor 
‘ niggers.’  Again,  the  little  comfort  it  might  afford 
us  to  meet  again  would  be  dearly  bought  by  the 
pains  of  a final  separation.  We  must  part,  and,  I 
feel  assured,  for  us  to  meet  under  such  dreadful 
circumstances  would  only  add  to  our  distress.  If  she 
comes  on  here,  she  must  be  only  a gazing  stock 
throughout  the  whole  journey,  to  be  remarked  upon 
in  every  look,  word  and  action,  and  by  all  sorts  of 
creatures,  and  by  all  sorts  of  papers  throughout  the 
whole  country.  Again,  it  is  my  most  decided  judgment 
that  in  quietly  and  submissively  staying  at  home 
vastly  more  of  generous  sympathy  will  reach  her, 
without  such  dreadful  sacrifice  of  feeling  as  she 
must  put  up  with  if  she  comes  on.  The  visits  of  one 
or  two  female  friends  that  have  come  on  here  have 
produced  great  excitement,  which  is  very  annoy- 
ing, and  they  cannot  possibly  do  me  any  good. 
O,  Mary,  do  not  come  ; but  patiently  wait  for  the 
meeting  of  those  who  love  God  and  their  fellow-men, 


THE  INTERIM 


2ig 


where  no  separation  must  follow.  ‘ They  shall  go  no 
more  out  forever.’  I greatly  long  to  hear  from  some 
one  of  you,  and  to  learn  anything  that  in  any  way 
affects  your  welfare.  I sent  your  ten  dollars  the 
other  day.  Did  you  get  it  ? I have  also  endeavoured 
to  stir  up  Christian  friends  to  visit  and  write  to  you 
in  your  deep  affliction.  I have  no  doubt  that  some 
of  them,  at  least,  will  heed  the  call.  Write  to  me, 
care  of  Captain  John  Avis,  Charlestown,  Jefferson 
County,  Virginia. 

“ ‘ Finally,  my  beloved,  be  of  good  comfort ! ’ May 
all  your  names  be  ‘ written  in  the  Lamb’s  book  of 
life  ’ — may  you  all  have  the  purifying  and  sustaining 
influence  of  the  Christian  religion — is  the  earnest 
prayer  of  your  affectionate  husband  and  father, 

“John  Brown. 

“ P.S. — I cannot  remember  a night  so  dark  as  to 
have  hindered  the  coming  day,  nor  a storm  so  furious 
or  dreadful  as  to  prevent  the  return  of  warm  sunshine 
and  a cloudless  sky.  But,  beloved  ones,  do  remem- 
ber that  this  is  not  your  rest,  that  in  this  world  you 
have  no  abiding  place  or  continuing  city.  To  God 
and  His  infinite  mercy  I always  commend  you. 

“J.  B.” 

The  newspapers  devoted  a good  deal  of  attention 
to  the  prisoner,  and  all  representatives  of  pro-slavery 
organs,  and,  indeed,  all  sympathisers  with  slavery, 
were  freely  admitted  into  his  cell.  But  it  was  usually 
with  great  difficulty  and  after  much  delay  that  any 


220  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

of  his  friends  from  the  North  were  allowed  to  see 
him.  His  customary  attitude  was  one  of  frank  and 
friendly  intercourse,  but  when  they  filed  two  com- 
panies of  State  militia  through  his  room,  he  rebelled, 
saying  he  objected  “ to  be  made  a monkey  show 
of.” 

The  New  York  Herald , which  — under  the  editor- 
ship of  James  Gordon  Bennett,  a persistent  opponent 
of  the  anti-slavery  crusade — was  known  as  the  organ 
of  “Nothern  men  with  Southern  principles,”  freely 
admitted  that  Brown  “ awaited  the  result  with  that 
calm  firmness  which  is  the  sure  characteristic  of  a 
brave  man.  He  is  in  the  same  cell  with  Stevens,”  it 
continues,  “ at  whose  bedside  he  is  constantly  found 
sitting,  with  the  Bible  (just  closed  as  the  visitor 
enters)  placed  upon  his  knees.  This  is  the  Bible  he 
always  carried  with  him.  It  was  found  after  the 
final  attack  and  recapture  in  the  armoury  at  Harper’s 
Ferry,  and  was  restored  by  some  kind  person  to  its 
owner  in  captivity.  It  is  almost  needless  to  say 
that  Brown  awaits  death  with  that  resignation  and 
tranquillity  which  disarm  the  dreaded  phantom  of 
all  terror.” 

Another  reporter  says : “ Brown’s  conversation 
is  singularly  attractive.  His  manner  attracts  every- 
one who  approaches  him,  and  while  he  talks  he 
reigns.  The  other  prisoners  venerate  him.  Stevens 
sits  in  his  bed,  usually  with  his  face  away  from  the 
window,  and  listens  all  day  to  ‘ the  Captain’s  ’ words, 
seldom  offering  a syllable  except  when  called  upon. 
Sometimes  he  gets  a little  excited,  and  springs 


THE  INTERIM 


221 


forward  to  make  clear  some  point  about  which  the 
Captain  is  in  doubt ; but  his  five  bullets  in  head  and 
breast  weigh  him  down,  and  he  is  soon  exhausted. 
As  for  the  other  men  — Copeland,  Green  and 
Coppock — they  are  always  sending  messages  to  ‘ the 
Captain  ’ assuring  him  that  it  was  not  they  who 
confessed  . . . but  Cook.” 

Governor  Wise  received  a large  number  of  threaten- 
ing, anonymous  letters,  much  to  Brown’s  disgust. 
“ Gentlemen,”  said  he,  “ I tell  you  what  I think  of 
them.  They  come  from  no  friends  of  mine.  I have 
nothing  to  do  with  such  friends.  Why,  gentlemen, 
of  all  things  in  the  world  that  I despise,  anonymous 
letters  are  the  worst.  If  I had  a little  job  to  do,  I 
would  sooner  take  one  half  of  the  men  I brought 
down  here  to  help  me,  than  as  many  of  these  fellows 
as  could  fill  all  Jefferson  County,  standing  close  upon 
every  inch.  If  I don’t  get  out  of  this  gaol  before 
such  people  as  they  take  me  out,  I sha’n’t  go  very 
soon.” 

Another  class  of  men  who  roused  his  indignation 
was  the  ministers  and  clergy — apostles  of  the  Father- 
hood of  God  and  the  brotherhood  of  man — who 
supported  slavery.  And  no  wonder.  Earnest  re- 
formers of  all  ages  have  been  bitterly  disappointed 
by  the  time-serving  spirit  which  has  been,  alas,  too 
prevalent  amongst  the  clergy  as  a body.  That  there 
have  always  been  notable  exceptions  will  be  gladly 
and  gratefully  admitted.  But  that  numbers  have 
prostituted  their  office  and  religion  to  the  support  of 
oppression,  privilege  and  injustice  is  too  painfully 


222 


LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PRO  IV N 


apparent  to  any  student  of  the  history  of  great 
moral  reforms.  And  the  race  is  not — unhappily — 
extinct  even  yet,  though  becoming  rarer. 

Brown  received  several  visits  from  slave-holding  or 
slavery-upholding  clergymen,  and  some  interesting 
incidents  of  their  interviews  are  left  on  record.  He 
asked  one  divine  who  called  to  pray  with  him 
whether,  if  necessity  required  it,  he  was  ready  to 
fight  for  the  freedom  of  the  slave.  No,  said  the  good 
man.  Then,  said  Brown,  I will  thank  you  to  retire 
from  my  cell,  your  prayers  would  be  an  abomination 
to  God.  To  another  who  came  on  the  same  errand 
he  said  he  would  not  insult  God  by  bowing  down 
with  anyone  who  had  the  blood  of  the  slave  upon  his 
skirts.  To  a third,  who  had  advanced  an  argument 
in  support  of  slavery,  Brown  replied  : “ My  dear  sir, 
you  know  nothing  about  Christianity ; you  will 
have  to  learn  the  A B C in  the  lesson  of  Christianity, 
as  I find  you  are  entirely  ignorant  of  the  meaning  of 
the  word.  Of  course  I respect  you  as  a gentleman, 
but  it  is  as  a heathen  gentleman 

On  the  testimony  of  one  of  the  officers  of  the 
gaol : — He  said  he  did  not  recognise  any  slave-holder, 
lay  or  clerical,  or  any  man  sympathising  with  slavery, 
as  a Christian.  He  would  as  soon  be  attended  to 
the  scaffold  by  blacklegs  as  by  slave-holding 
ministers,  or  ministers  sympathising  with  slavery ; 
and  that  if  he  had  his  choice,  he  would  prefer  being 
followed  to  the  scaffold  by  bare-footed,  bare-legged, 
ragged  negro  children,  and  their  old  grey-headed 
slave  mother,  than  by  clergymen  of  this  character. 


THE  INTERIM 


223 


When  they  visit  him  he  argues  with  them,  and 
frequently  winds  up  by  telling  them  that  they,  and 
all  slaveholders  and  supporters  of  slavery,  have  far 
more  need  of  prayers  for  themselves  than  he  has, 
and  he  accordingly  advises  them  to  pray  for  them- 
selves, and  exhibit  no  concern  about  him.  He  adds 
that  he  does  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  offering 
insult,  but  as  expressing  his  firm  conviction. 

On  Saturday  and  Sunday,  the  12th  and  13th, 
the  interests  of  his  family  were  again  occupying  his 
attention,  and  he  was  anxiously  making  such  scanty 
provision  for  them  as  was  within  his  power,  as  will 
be  seen  from  the  following  letter  to  his  half-brother 
Jeremiah.  The  old  hero  with  proud  confidence  lifts 
his  head  and  looks  forward  to  a time  when  his 
fellows  shall  do  him  justice,  and  recognise  his  un- 
selfish devotion  to  what  he  saw  to  be  a duty 
supreme  over  all  others. 

“ Charlestown,  Virginia, 

“ 12 th  November  1859. 

“ Dear  Brother  Jeremiah, — Your  kind  letter  of 
the  9th  inst.  is  received,  and  also  one  from  Mr  Tilden, 
for  both  of  which  I am  greatly  obliged.  You  inquire, 

‘ Can  I do  anything  for  you  or  your  family  ? ’ I 
would  answer  that  my  sons,  as  well  as  my  wife  and 
daughters,  are  all  very  poor,  and  that  anything  that 
may  hereafter  be  due  me  from  my  father’s  estate  I 
wish  paid  to  them,  as  I will  endeavour  hereafter  to 
describe,  without  legal  formalities  to  consume  it  all. 
One  of  my  boys  has  been  so  entirely  used  up  as  very 


224  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


likely  to  be  in  want  of  comfortable  clothing  for  the 
winter.  I have,  through  the  kindness  of  friends, 
fifteen  dollars  to  send  him,  which  I will  remit  shortly. 
If  you  know  where  to  reach  him,  please  send  him 
that  amount  at  once,  as  I shall  remit  the  same  to 
you  by  a safe  conveyance.  If  I had  a plain  state- 
ment from  Mr  Thompson  of  the  state  of  my  accounts 
with  the  estate  of  my  father,  I should  then  better 
know  what  to  say  about  that  matter.  As  it  is,  I 
have  not  the  least  memorandum  left  me  to  refer  to. 
If  Mr  Thompson  will  make  me  a statement,  and 
charge  my  dividend  fully  for  his  trouble,  I would  be 
greatly  obliged  to  him.  In  that  case  you  can  send 
me  any  remarks  of  your  own.  I am  gaining  in 
health  slowly,  and  am  quite  cheerful  in  view  of  my 
approaching  end,  being  fully  persuaded  that  I am 
worth  inconceivably  more  to  hang,  than  for  any 
other  purpose.  God  Almighty  bless  and  save  you 
all. — Your  affectionate  brother, 

“John  Brown. 

9 

“ P.S . — 13th  November.  Say  to  my  poor  boys 
never  to  grieve  for  one  moment  on  my  account;  and 
should  many  of  you  live  to  see  the  time  when  you 
will  not  blush  to  own  your  relation  to  old  John 
Brown,  it  will  not  be  more  strange  than  many  things 
that  have  happened.  I feel  a thousand  times  more 
on  account  of  my  sorrowing  friends  than  on  my  own 
account.  So  far  as  I am  concerned,  I ‘ count  it  all 
joy.’  ‘ I have  fought  the  good  fight,’  and  have,  as  I 
trust,  ‘ finished  my  course  ! ’ Please  show  this  to  any 


THE  INTERIM 


225 


of  my  family  you  may  see.  My  love  to  all ; and 
may  God,  in  His  infinite  mercy,  for  Christ’s  sake, 
bless  and  save  you  all. — Your  affectionate  brother, 

“J.  Brown.” 

Tuesday,  15th,  was  a busy  time  with  him,  as  on 
that  day,  in  addition  to  conversing  with  the  usual 
influx  of  visitors,  chiefly  Southerners,  he  wrote  two 
highly-important  letters,  each  deeply  interesting  on 
one  point,  viz.,  that  the  utter  failure  of  his  enterprise 
had  not  shaken  his  faith  in  God.  nor  caused  him  to 
despair  of  the  ultimate  realisation  of  his  dearest 
hopes.  “ God  reigns,”  he  declares  to  both  corre- 
spondents with  emphasis. 

To  George  Adams,  Boston 

“ Charlestown,  Va., 

“15 1h  November  1859. 

“My  dear  Sir, — Your  kind  mention  of  some 
things  in  my  conduct  here  which  you  approve  is  very 
comforting  indeed  to  my  mind.  Yet  I am  conscious 
you  do  me  no  more  than  justice.  I do  certainly 
feel  that  through  divine  grace  I have  endeavoured 
to  be  ‘ faithful  in  a very  few  things,’  mingling  with 
even  these  much  of  imperfection.  I am  certainly 
‘ unworthy  even  to  suffer  affliction  with  the  people  of 
God  ’ ; yet  in  infinite  grace  He  has  thus  honoured 
me.  May  the  same  grace  enable  me  to  serve  Him 
in  a ‘ new  obedience,’  through  my  little  remainder  of 
this  life,  and  to  rejoice  in  Him  for  ever.  I cannot 

P 


226  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


feel  that  God  will  suffer  even  the  poorest  service  we 
may  any  of  us  have  rendered  Him  or  His  cause  to 
be  lost  or  in  vain.  I do  feel,  ‘ dear  brother,’ 
that  I am  wonderfully  ‘ strengthened  from  on 
high.’ 

“ May  I use  that  strength  in  ‘ showing  His  strength 
unto  this  generation,’  and  His  power  to  every  one 
that  is  to  come.  I am  most  grateful  for  your 
assurance  that  my  poor,  shattered,  heart-broken 
‘ family  will  not  be  forgotten.’  I have  long  tried  to 
recommend  them  to  ‘ the  God  of  my  fathers.’  I 
have  many  opportunities  for  faithful,  plain  dealing 
with  the  more  powerful,  influential  and  intelligent 
classes  in  this  region,  which,  I trust,  are  not  entirely 
misimproved.  I humbly  trust  that  I firmly  believe 
that  ‘ God  reigns,’  and  I think  I can  truly  say,  ‘ Let 
the  earth  rejoice.’  May  God  take  care  of  His  own 
cause  and  of  His  own  great  name,  as  well  as  of 
those  who  love  their  neighbours.  Farewell. — Yours 
in  truth,  JOHN  Brown.” 

The  next  letter  was  read  to  Mrs  Brown  during 
her  stay  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  following  paragraph 
from  Mr  M'Kim’s  article  in  the  Anti-Slavery 
Standard  may  well  introduce  it. 

“ When  the  letter  of  Mr  Brown  to  the  Rev.  Mr 
Vaill  of  Litchfield  was  read  to  her,  which  it  was 
immediately  after  the  paper  came  to  hand  containing 
it,  she  sat  with  form  erect,  and  listened  with  deep 
but  composed  attention ; but  when  the  reader  came 
to  the  passage  where  he  says,  ‘ I have  lost  my  two 


THE  INTERIM 


227 


noble  boys,’  she  dropped  her  head  suddenly,  as 
if  pierced  with  an  arrow,  and  for  a while  was 
overcome  with  emotion.  She  soon  recovered  her- 
self, however,  and  wiping  her  eyes  and  resuming 
her  erect  position,  indicated  that  she  was  ready 
to  hear  the  rest.” 

Here  is  the  letter. 

To  Rev.  H.  L.  Vaill* 

“ Charlestown,  Va.,  November  15,  1859. 

“ My  dear,  steadfast  Friend,— Your  most  kind 
and  most  welcome  letter  of  the  8th  inst.  reached  me 
in  due  time. 

“ I am  very  grateful  for  all  the  good  feeling  you 
express,  and  also  for  the  kind  counsels  you  give, 
together  with  your  prayers  on  my  behalf.  Allow 
me  here  to  say  that,  notwithstanding  ‘ my  soul  is 
amongst  lions,’  still  I believe  that  ‘ God  in  very 
deed  is  with  me.’  You  will  not,  therefore,  feel 
surprised  when  I tell  you  that  I am  ‘joyful  in  all 
my  tribulations  ’ ; that  I do  not  feel  condemned 
of  Him  whose  judgment  is  just,  nor  of  my  own 
conscience.  Nor  do  I feel  degraded  by  my  im- 
prisonment, my  chains,  or  prospect  of  the  gallows. 
I have  not  only  been,  though  utterly  unworthy, 
permitted  to  ‘ suffer  affliction  with  God’s  people,’ 
but  have  also  had  a great  many  rare  opportunities 
for  ‘ preaching  righteousness  in  the  great  con- 

* Brown’s  teacher  in  1817  in  the  Morris  Academy.  He  said  Brown 
was  “a  godly  youth.” 


228  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

gregation.’  I trust  it  will  not  all  be  lost.  The 
jailer  in  whose  charge  I am,  and  his  family  and 
assistants,  have  all  been  most  kind  ; and  notwith- 
standing he  was  one  of  the  bravest  of  all  who 
fought  me,  he  is  now  being  abused  for  his  humanity. 
So  far  as  my  observation  goes,  none  but  brave  men 
are  likely  to  be  humane  to  a fallen  foe.  Cowards 
prove  their  courage  by  their  ferocity.  It  may  be 
done  in  that  way  with  but  little  risk. 

“ I wish  I could  write  you  about  a few  only  of 
the  interesting  times  I here  experience  with 
different  classes  of  men — clergymen  among  others. 
Christ,  the  great  Captain  of  liberty  as  well  as  of 
salvation,  and  who  began  His  mission,  as  foretold 
of  Him,  by  proclaiming  it,  saw  fit  to  take  from  me 
a sword  of  steel  after  I had  carried  it  for  a time ; 
but  He  has  put  another  in  my  hand,  ‘ the  sword  of  the 
Spirit,’  and  I pray  God  to  make  me  a faithful  soldier 
wherever  He  may  send  me — not  less  on  the  scaffold 
than  when  surrounded  by  my  warmest  sympathisers. 

“ My  dear  old  friend,  I do  assure  you  I have  not 
forgotten  our  last  meeting,  nor  our  retrospective 
look  over  the  route  by  which  God  had  then  led  us  ; 
and  I bless  His  name  that  He  has  again  enabled 
me  to  hear  your  words  of  cheering  and  comfort,  at 
a time  when  I,  at  least,  am  on  the  1 brink  of  Jordan.’ 
(See  Bunyan’s  Pilgrim.)  God  in  infinite  mercy  grant 
us  soon  another  meeting  on  the  opposite  shore.  I 
have  often  passed  under  the  rod  of  Him  whom  I 
call  my  Father;  and  certainly  no  son  ever  needed 
it  oftener ; and  yet  I have  enjoyed  much  of  life,  as 


THE  INTERIM 


229 


I was  enabled  to  discover  the  secret  of  this  some- 
what early.  It  has  been  in  making  the  prosperity 
and  happiness  of  others  my  own  ; so  that  really  I 
have  had  a great  deal  of  prosperity.  I am  very 
prosperous  still,  and  looking  forward  to  a time  when 
‘ peace  on  earth  and  goodwill  to  men  ’ shall  everywhere 
prevail;  I have  no  murmuring  thoughts  or  envious 
feelings  to  fret  my  mind.  ‘ I’ll  praise  my  Maker 
with  my  breath.’  Your  assurance  of  the  earnest 
sympathy  of  the  friends  in  my  native  land  is  very 
grateful  to  my  feelings ; and  allow  me  to  say  a word 
of  comfort  to  them. 

“As  I believe  most  firmly  that  God  reigns,  I cannot 
believe  that  anything  I have  done,  suffered,  or  may 
yet  suffer,  will  be  lost  to  the  cause  of  God  or  of 
humanity.  And  before  I began  my  work  at 
Harper’s  Ferry  I felt  assured  that  in  the  worst 
event  it  would  surely  pay.  I often  expressed  that 
belief,  and  can  now  see  no  possible  cause  to  alter 
my  mind.  I am  not  as  yet,  in  the  main,  at  all  dis- 
appointed. I have  been  a good  deal  disappointed 
as  it  regards  myself,  in  not  keeping  up  to  my 
own  plans ; but  I now  feel  entirely  reconciled 
even  to  that;  for  God’s  plan  was  infinitely  better, 
no  doubt,  or  I should  have  kept  to  my  own.  Had 
Samson  kept  to  his  determination  of  not  telling 
Delilah  wherein  his  great  strength  lay  he  would 
probably  have  never  overturned  the  house.  I did 
not  tell  Delilah ; but  I was  induced  to  act  very 
contrary  to  my  better  judgment;  and  I have  lost 
my  two  noble  boys  ” (a  passage  rendered  sacred 


23o  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


by  a mother’s  tears)  “and  other  friends,  if  not  my 
two  eyes. 

“ But  ‘ God’s  will,  not  mine,  be  done.’  I feel  a 
comfortable  hope  that,  like  that  erring  servant  of 
whom  I have  just  been  writing,  even  I may,  through 
infinite  mercy  in  Christ  Jesus,  yet  ‘ die  in  faith.’ 
As  to  both  the  time  and  manner  of  my  death, 
I have  but  very  little  trouble  on  that  score,  I am 
able  to  be,  as  you  exhort,  ‘ of  good  cheer.’ 

“ I send  through  you  my  best  wishes  to  Mrs  W. 
and  her  son  George,  and  to  all  dear  friends.  May 
the  God  of  the  poor  and  oppressed  be  the  God  and 
Saviour  of  you  all.  Farewell,  till  we  meet  again. — 
Your  friend,  in  truth, 

“John  Brown.” 

Wednesday,  17th,  the  day  when  his  appeal  to  the 
Supreme  Court  was  summarily  dismissed  by  the 
unanimous  verdict  of  five  judges,  he  wrote  another 
letter  to  his  wife.  This  epistle  is  noteworthy  as 
giving  his  ideas  on  the  education  of  his  children. 


To  Mrs  Brown,  at  Baltimore 

“ Charlestown,  Va.,  16 th  November  1859. 

“My  dear  Wife, — I write  to  you  in  answer  to  a 
most  kind  letter  of  November  13  from  dear  Mrs 
Spring.  I owe  her  ten  thousand  thanks  for  her 
kindness  to  you  particularly,  and  more  especially 


THE  INTERIM 


231 


than  for  what  she  has  done  and  is  doing  in  a more 
direct  way  for  me  personally.  Although  I feel 
grateful  for  every  expression  of  kindness  or  sympathy 
towards  me,  yet  nothing  can  so  effectually  minister 
to  my  comfort  as  acts  of  kindness  done  to  relieve  the 
wants  or  mitigate  the  sufferings  of  my  poor,  dis- 
tressed family.  May  God  Almighty  and  their  own 
consciousness  be  their  eternal  rewarders.  I am  ex- 
ceedingly rejoiced  to  have  you  make  the  acquaintance 
and  be  surrounded  by  such  choice  friends  as  I have 
long  known  some  of  those  to  be  with  whom  you  are 
staying,  by  reputation.  I am  most  glad  to  have  you 
meet  with  one  of  a family  (or,  I would  rather  say,  of 
two  families)  most  beloved  and  never  to  be  forgotten 

by  me.  I mean  dear,  gentle . Many  and  many 

a time  have  she,  her  father,  mother,  brother,  sisters, 
uncle  and  aunt,  like  angels  of  mercy,  ministered  to 
the  wants  of  myself  and  of  my  poor  sons,  both  in 
sickness  and  in  health.  Only  last  year  I lay  sick 
for  quite  a number  of  weeks  with  them,  and  was 
cared  for  by  all  as  though  I had  been  a most 
affectionate  brother  or  father.  Tell  her  that  I ask 
God  to  bless  and  reward  them  all  for  ever.  ‘ I was 
a stranger,  and  they  took  me  in.’  It  may  possibly 

be  that would  like  to  copy  this  letter,  and  send 

it  to  her  home.  If  so,  by  all  means  let  her  do  so. 
I would  write  them  if  I had  the  power. 

“ Now,  let  me  say  a word  about  the  effort  to 
educate  our  daughters.  I am  no  longer  able  to 
provide  means  to  help  towards  that  object,  and  it 
therefore  becomes  me  not  to  dictate  in  the  matter. 


232  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


I shall  gratefully  submit  the  direction  of  the  whole 
thing  to  those  whose  generosity  may  lead  them 
to  undertake  it  in  their  behalf,  while  I give  anew  a 
little  expression  of  my  own  choice  respecting  it. 
You,  my  wife,  perfectly-  well  know  that  I have 
always  expressed  a decided  preference  for  a very 
plain,  but  perfectly  practical,  education  for  both 
sons  and  daughters.  I do  not  mean  an  education 
so  very  miserable  as  that  you  and  I received  in 
early  life,  nor  as  some  of  our  children  enjoyed. 
When  I say  plain  but  practical,  I mean  enough  of 
the  learning  of  the  schools  to  enable  them  to  transact 
the  common  business  of  life,  together  with  that 
thorough  training  in  good  business  habits  which 
best  prepares  both  men  and  women  to  be  useful 
though  poor,  and  to  meet  the  stern  realities  of  life 
with  a good  grace.  You  well  know  that  I always 
claimed  that  the  music  of  the  broom,  wash-tub, 
needle,  spindle,  loom,  axe,  scythe,  hoe,  flail,  etc., 
should  first  be  learned  at  all  events,  and  that  of 
the  piano,  etc.,  afterwards.  I put  them  in  that  order 
as  most  conducive  to  health  of  body  and  mind ; 
and  for  obvious  reasons,  that,  after  a life  of  some 
experience  and  much  observation,  I have  found  ten 
women  as  well  as  ten  men  who  have  made  their 
mark  in  life  right,  whose  early  training  was  of 
that  plain,  practical  kind,  to  one  who  had  a more 
popular  and  fashionable  early  training.  But  enough 
of  this. 

“ Now,  in  regard  to  your  coming  here  ; if  you  feel 
sure  that  you  can  endure  the  trials  and  the  shock, 


THE  INTERIM 


233 


which  will  be  unavoidable  if  you  come,  I should 
be  glad  to  see  you  once  more ; but  when  I think 
of  your  being  insulted  on  the  road,  and  perhaps 
while  here,  and  of  only  seeing  your  wretchedness 
made  complete,  I shrink  from  it.  Your  composure 
and  fortitude  of  mind  may  be  quite  equal  to  it 
all ; but  I am  in  dreadful  doubt  of  it.  If  you  do 
come,  defer  your  journey  till  about  the  27th  or 
28th  of  this  month.  The  scenes  which  you  will 
have  to  pass  through  on  coming  here  will  be  any- 
thing but  those  you  now  pass,  with  tender-hearted 
friends  and  kind  faces  to  meet  you  everywhere. 
Do  consider  the  matter  well  before  you  make  the 
plunge.  I think  I had  better  say  no  more  on 
this  most  painful  subject.  My  health  improves  a 
little;  my  mind  is  very  tranquil,  I may  say  joyous, 
and  I continue  to  receive  every  kind  attention  that 
I have  any  possible  need  of.  I wish  you  to  send 
copies  of  all  my  letters  to  all  our  poor  children. 
What  I write  to  one  must  answer  for  all,  till  I 
have  more  strength.  I get  numerous  kind  letters 
from  friends  in  almost  all  directions,  to  encourage 
me  to  ‘ be  of  good  cheer,’  and  I still  have,  as  I 
trust,  1 the  peace  of  God  to  rule  in  my  heart.’ 
May  God,  for  Christ’s  sake,  ever  make  His  face 
to  shine  on  you  all. — Your  affectionate  husband, 

“John  Brown.” 

On  Thursday,  17th,  he  wrote  to  “My  dear  young 
Friend,”  Mr  Musgrave,  junr.,  of  Northampton,  Mass., 
who  had  written  him  a letter  of  sympathy,  a courtesy 


234  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

he  always  strove  to  acknowledge.  “ Tell  your 
father,”  he  said,  “ that  I am  quite  cheerful — that  I 
do  not  feel  myself  in  the  least  degraded  by  my 
imprisonment,  my  chains,  or  the  near  prospect  of 
the  gallows.  Men  cannot  imprison,  or  chain,  or 
hang  the  soul.  I go  joyfully  in  behalf  of  millions 
that  ‘have  no  rights’  which  this  great  and  glorious, 
this  Christian  Republic  is  ‘ bound  to  respect.’  Strange 
change  in  morals,  political  as  well  as  Christian, 
since  1776!  I look  forward  to  other  changes  to 
take  place  in  God’s  good  time,  fully  believing  that 
‘ the  fashion  of  this  world  passeth  away.’  ” 

Friday,  1 8th,  was  a silent  day,  so  far  as  we  know; 
a welcome  rest  from  correspondence  which  was 
still  a painful  operation,  as  the  trembling  hand- 
writing of  the  above  letters  unmistakably  showed. 
We  can  imagine  him  reading  the  Bible  to  Stevens, 
and  preaching  to  the  Virginians  of  the  wickedness 
of  slavery,  and  of  God’s  impending  judgment,  which 
he  confidently  anticipated. 

A cousin,  the  Rev.  Luther  Humphrey,  having 
written  him,  he  replied  on  Saturday,  19th.  His 
letter  contains  one  or  two  family  and  autobiographic 
touches  which  may  be  quoted: — 

“ So  far  as  my  knowledge  goes  as  to  our  mutual 
kindred,  I suppose  I am  the  first  since  the  landing 
of  Peter  Brown  from  the  Mayflower  that  has  either 
been  sentenced  to  imprisonment  or  to  the  gallows. 
But,  my  dear  old  friend,  let  not  that  fact  alone 
grieve  you.  You  cannot  have  forgotten  how  and 
where  our  grandfather  fell  in  1776,  and  that  he, 


THE  INTERIM 


235 


too,  might  have  perished  on  the  scaffold  had 
circumstances  been  but  a very  little  different.  The 
fact  that  a man  dies  under  the  hand  of  an  execu- 
tioner (or  otherwise)  has  but  little  to  do  with  his 
true  character,  as  I suppose.  John  Rogers  perished 
at  the  stake,  a great  and  good  man,  as  I suppose; 
but  his  doing  so  does  not  prove  that  any  other 
man  who  has  died  in  the  same  way  was  good  or 
otherwise.  ...  I should  be  sixty  years  old  were 
I to  live  to  9th  May  i860.  I have  enjoyed  much 
of  life  as  it  is,  and  have  been  remarkably  prosperous, 
having  early  learned  to  regard  the  welfare  and 
prosperity  of  others  as  my  own.  I have  never, 
since  I can  remember,  required  a great  amount  of 
sleep ; so  that  I conclude  that  I have  already 
enjoyed  full  an  average  number  of  working  hours 
with  those  who  reach  their  threescore  years  and 
ten.  I have  not  yet  been  driven  to  the  use  of 
glasses,  but  can  see  to  read  and  write  quite  com- 
fortably. But  more  than  that,  I have  generally 
enjoyed  remarkably  good  health.  I might  go  on 
to  recount  unnumbered  and  unmerited  blessings, 
among  which  would  be  some  very  severe  afflic- 
tions, and  those  the  most  needed  blessings  of  all. 
And  now,  when  I think  how  easily  I might  be  left 
to  spoil  all  I have  done  or  suffered  in  the  cause  of 
freedom,  I hardly  dare  wish  another  voyage,  even 
if  I had  the  opportunity.” 

Sunday  has  left  us  no  record.  On  Monday 
and  Tuesday,  21st  and  22nd,  he  was  full  of  thoughts 
of  home,  of  wife  and  children,  of  loving,  anxious 


236  LIFE  OF  CAFTAIN  JOHN  BE  OWN 


solicitude  for  their  future.  No  word  of  the  three 
following  letters  can  be  spared.  His  consuming 
zeal  for  freedom  was  sympathetically  understood 
by  his  children,  who  shared  his  hopes. 


To  Mrs  Brown 

“Charlestown,  Va., 

“ 21  si  November  1859. 

“ My  dear  Wife, — Your  most  welcome  letter 
of  the  13th  inst.  I got  yesterday.  I am  very  glad 
to  learn  from  yourself  that  you  feel  so  much  re- 
signed to  your  circumstances,  so  much  confidence 
in  a wise  and  good  Providence,  and  such  composure 
of  mind  in  the  midst  of  all  your  deep  afflictions. 
This  is ‘just  as  it  should  be’;  and  let  me  still  say, 
1 Be  of  good  cheer,’  for  we  shall  soon  ‘ come  out 
of  all  our  great  tribulations,’  and  very  soon  (if  we 
trust  in  Him)  ‘God  shall  wipe  away  all  tears  from 
our  eyes.’  Soon  ‘ we  shall  be  satisfied  when  we 
are  awake  in  His  likeness.’ 

“There  is  now  here  a source  of  much  disquietude 
to  me,  viz.,  the  fires  are  of  almost  daily  and 
nightly  occurrence  in  this  immediate  neighbour- 
hood.* Whilst  I well  know  that  no  one  of  them 
is  the  work  of  our  friends,  I know  at  the  same 
time  that  by  more  or  less  of  the  inhabitants  we 
shall  be  charged  with  them,  the  same  as  with  the 


Due  to  the  excitement  among  the  slaves. 


THE  INTERIM 


237 


ominous  and  threatening  letters  to  Governor  Wise. 
In  the  existing  state  of  public  feeling,  I can  easily 
see  a further  objection  to  your  coming  here  at 
present ; but  I did  not  intend  saying  another  word 
to  you  on  that  subject.  Why  will  you  not  say  to 
me  whether  you  had  any  crops  mature  this  season  ? 
If  so,  what  ones  ? Although  I may  never  more 
intermeddle  with  your  worldly  affairs,  I have  not 
yet  lost  all  interest  in  them.  A little  history  of 
your  success  or  of  your  failures  I should  very  much 
prize ; and  I would  gratify  you  and  other  friends 
some  way,  were  it  in  my  power.  I am  still  quite 
cheerful,  and  by  no  means  cast  down.  I remember 
that  the  time  is  short ! The  little  trunk  and  all 
its  contents,  so  far  as  I can  judge,  reached  me  safe.* 
May  God  reward  all  the  contributors ! I wrote 
you  under  cover  to  our  excellent  friend  Mrs 
Spring  on  the  16th  inst.,  I presume  you  have  it 
before  now.  When  you  return,  it  is  most  likely 
the  lake  will  not  be  open  ; so  you  must  get  your 
ticket  at  Troy  for  Moreau  Station,  or  Glen  Falls 
(for  Glen  Falls  if  you  can  get  one),  or  get  one 
for  Vergennes  in  Vermont,  and  take  your  chance 
of  crossing  over  on  the  ice  to  Westport.  If  you 
go  soon  the  route  by  Glen  Falls  to  Elizabethtown 
will  probably  be  the  best.  I have  just  learned 
that  our  poor  Watson  lingered  with  his  wound 
until  Wednesday  about  noon  of  the  19th  of 
October.  Oliver  died  near  my  side  in  a few 
moments  after  he  was  shot.  Dauphin  died  the 

* “Poor  man,  he  will  not  need  them  long,”  p.  206,  ante. 


238  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


next  morning  after  Oliver  and  William  were 
killed,  viz.,  Monday.  He  died  almost  instantly — 
was  by  my  side.  William  was  shot  by  several 
persons.  Anderson  was  killed  with  Dauphin. 

“ Keep  this  letter  to  refer  to.  God  Almighty  bless 
and  keep  you  all. — Your  affectionate  husband, 

“John  Brown.” 


To  his  Children  at  North  Elba 

“Charlestown,  Va., 

“22 nd  November  1859. 

“ Dear  Children  All,— I address  this  letter  to 
you,  supposing  that  your  mother  is  not  yet  with 
you.  She  has  not  yet  come  here,  as  I have  re- 
quested her  not  to  do  at  present,  if  at  all.  She  may 
think  it  best  for  her  not  to  come  at  all.  She  has  (or 
will),  I presume,  written  you  before  this.  Annie’s 
letter  to  us  both,  of  the  9th,  has  but  just  reached 
me.  I am  very  glad  to  get  it,  and  to  learn  that 
you  are  in  any  measure  cheerful.  This  is  the 
greatest  comfort  I can  have,  except  that  it  would 
be  to  know  that  you  are  all  Christians.  God  in 
mercy  grant  you  all  may  be  so.  That  is  what 
you  all  will  certainly  need.  When  and  in  what 
form  death  may  come  is  of  but  small  moment. 
I feel  just  as  content  to  die  for  God’s  eternal  truth, 
and  for  suffering  humanity’s,  on  the  scaffold  as 
in  any  other  way;  and  I do  not  say  this  from 
any  disposition  to  ‘brave  it  out.’  No;  I would 


THE  INTERIM 


239 


readily  own  my  wrong  were  I in  the  least  con- 
vinced of  it.  I have  now  been  confined  over  a month, 
with  a good  opportunity  to  look  the  whole  thing  as 
‘ fair  in  the  face  ’ as  I am  capable  of  doing ; and 
I now  feel  it  most  grateful  that  I am  counted  in 
the  least  possible  degree  worthy  to  suffer  for  the 
truth.  I want  you  all  to  ‘ be  of  good  cheer.’  This 
life  is  intended  as  a season  of  training,  chastise- 
ment, temptation,  affliction  and  trial,  and  the 
‘righteous  shall  come  out  of’  it  all.  Oh,  my  dear 
children ! let  me  again  entreat  you  all  to  ‘ forsake 
the  foolish  and  live.’  What  can  you  possibly  lose 
by  such  a course?  Godliness  with  contentment  is 
great  gain,  having  the  promise  of  the  life  that  now 
is,  and  of  that  which  is  to  come ! 1 Trust  in  the 

Lord  and  do  good,  so  shalt  thou  dwell  in  the  land ; 
and  verily  thou  shalt  be  fed.’  I have  enjoyed 
life  much ; why  should  I complain  on  leaving  it  ? 
I want  some  of  you  to  write  me  a little  more 
particularly  about  all  that  concerns  your  welfare. 
I intend  to  write  you  as  often  as  I can.  ‘To 
God  and  the  word  of  His  grace  I commend  you 
all.’ — Your  affectionate  father, 

“John  Brown.” 

To  his  Sons  John  and  Jason,  in  Ohio 

“ Charlestown,  V.a, 

“22  nd  November  1859. 

“Dear  Children, — Your  most  welcome  letters  of 
the  16th  inst.  I have  just  received,  and  I bless 


24o  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  FRO  JVN 


God  that  He  has  enabled  you  to  bear  the  heavy 
tidings  of  our  disaster  with  so  much  seeming  re- 
signation and  composure  of  mind.  That  is  exactly 
the  thing  I have  wished  you  all  to  do  for  me — 
to  be  cheerful  and  perfectly  resigned  to  the  holy 
will  of  a wise  and  good  God.  I bless  His  most 
holy  name  that  I am,  I trust,  in  some  good 
measure  able  to  do  the  same.  I am  even  ‘joyful 
in  all  my  tribulations,’  ever  since  my  confine- 
ment, and  I humbly  trust  that  ‘ I know  in  whom 
I have  trusted.’  A calm  peace,  perhaps  like 
that  which  your  own  dear  mother*  felt  in  view 
of  her  last  change,  seems  to  fill  my  mind  by  day 
and  by  night.  Of  this  neither  the  powers  of 

‘ earth  or  hell  ’ can  deprive  me.  Do  not,  dear 

children,  any  of  you  grieve  for  a single  moment 
on  my  account.  As  I trust  my  life  has  not  been 
thrown  away,  so  I humbly  trust  that  my  death 
shall  not  be  in  vain.  God  can  make  it  to  be  a 
thousand  times  more  valuable  to  His  own  cause 

than  all  the  miserable  service,  at  best,  that 

I have  rendered  it  during  my  life.  When  I 
was  first  taken  I was  too  feeble  to  write  much ; 
so  I wrote  what  I could  to  North  Elba,  requesting 
Ruth  and  Anne  to  send  you  copies  of  all  my 
letters  to  them.  I hope  they  have  done  so,  and 
that  you,  Ellen, j*  will  do  the  same  with  what  I 
may  send  to  you,  as  it  is  still  quite  a labour  for 
me  to  write  all  that  I need  to.  I want  your 

* His  first  wife. 

f Wife  of  John  Brown,  junr. 


THE  INTERIM 


241 


brothers  to  know  what  I write,  if  you  know 

where  to  reach  them.  I wrote  Jeremiah  a few 

days  since,  to  supply  a trifling  assistance,  fifteen 
dollars,  to  such  of  you  as  might  be  most  destitute. 
I got  his  letter,  but  do  not  know  as  he  got  mine. 
I hope  to  get  another  letter  from  him  soon.  I 
also  asked  him  to  show  you  my  letter.  I know 
of  nothing  you  can  any  of  you  now  do  for  me, 
unless  it  is  to  comfort  your  own  hearts,  and 

cheer  and  encourage  each  other  to  trust  in  God, 
and  Jesus  Christ  whom  He  hath  sent.  If  you 
will  keep  His  sayings  you  shall  certainly  ‘ know 
of  His  doctrine  whether  it  be  of  God  or  no.’ 

Nothing  can  be  more  grateful  to  me  than  your 
earnest  sympathy,  except  it  be  to  know  that 
you  are  fully  persuaded  to  be  Christians.  And 
now,  dear  children,  farewell  for  this  time.  I 
hope  to  be  able  to  write  you  again.  The  God 
of  my  father  take  you  for  His  children. — Your 
affectionate  father,  John  Brown.” 

On  Wednesday,  23rd,  writing  to  Rev.  Mr 
M'Farland,  Wooster,  Ohio,  who  had  sent  him 
an  encouraging  letter,  he  gave  strong  expression 
to  his  feelings  with  regard  to  the  pro-slavery 
clergy. 

“ I would  be  glad  to  have  you  or  any  of  my 
liberty-loving,  ministerial  friends  here,  to  talk  and 
pray  with  me.  ...  You  may  wonder,  are  there 
no  ministers  of  the  Gospel  here?  I answer  No. 
There  are  no  ministers  of  Christ  here.  These 

Q 


242  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


ministers  who  profess  to  be  Christian,  and  hold 
slaves  or  advocate  slavery,  I cannot  abide  them. 
My  knees  will  not  bend  in  prayer  with  them 
while  their  hands  are  stained  with  the  blood  of 
souls.  ...  I think  I feel  as  happy  as  Paul  did 
when  he  lay  in  prison.  He  knew  if  they  killed 
him  it  would  greatly  advance  the  cause  of  Christ ; 
that  was  the  reason  he  rejoiced  so.  On  that  same 
ground  ‘ I do  rejoice,  yea,  and  will  rejoice.’  Let 
them  hang  me ; I forgive  them,  and  may  God 
forgive  them,  for  they  know  not  what  they  do. 
I have  no  regret  for  the  transaction  for  which  I 
am  condemned.  I went  against  the  laws  of  men, 
it  is  true ; but  ‘ whether  it  be  right  to  obey  God 
or  men,  judge  ye.’  Christ  told  me  to  remember 
them  that  are  in  bonds  as  bound  with  them,  to 
do  towards  them  as  I would  wish  them  to  do 
towards  me  in  similar  circumstances.  My  con- 
science bade  me  do  that.  I tried  to  do  it,  but 
failed.  Therefore  I have  no  regret  on  that  score. 
I have  no  sorrow  either  as  to  the  result,  only  for 
my  poor  wife  and  children.  They  have  suffered 
much,  and  it  is  hard  to  leave  them  uncared  for. 
But  God  will  be  a husband  to  the  widow,  and  a 
father  to  the  fatherless.” 

On  Thursday,  24th,  his  ever-apprehensive  captors 
proclaimed  martial  law,  General  Taliaferro  being 
placed  in  supreme  command  until  after  the  execu- 
tion. The  Virginia  State  Government  seized  the 
telegraph,  searched  each  train  as  it  entered  the 
State,  and  put  it  under  guard  until  it  reached  the 

\ 

V. 


THE  INTERIM 


243 


borders  again,  and  for  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  the  Union  introduced  the  passport  system. 

Meanwhile  the  cause  of  all  these  elaborate  pre- 
cautions was  thinking  of  very  different  matters 
from  attempts  to  escape  and  rescues.  He  was 
writing : “ I have  had  many  interesting  visits  from 
pro-slavery  persons,  almost  daily,  and  I endeavour 
to  improve  them  faithfully,  plainly  and  kindly.  I 
do  not  think  I ever  enjoyed  life  better  than  since 
my  confinement  here.  ...  I wish  I could  only 
know  that  all  my  poor  family  were  as  composed 
and  as  happy  as  I.” 

And  to  Mr  G.  H.  Hoyt,  the  young  lawyer  who 
so  heartily  entered  into  his  cause  at  the  trial,  he 
was  saying : “ I commend  my  poor  family  to  the 
kind  remembrance  of  all  friends,  but  I well  under- 
stand that  they  are  not  the  only  poor  in  our  world. 
I ought  to  begin  to  leave  off  saying  ‘ our  world.’  ” 

At  last,  on  Friday,  25th,  he  has  brought  his  mind 
to  consent  to  a final  interview  with  his  faithful, 
well-beloved  wife.  His  hesitation  had  arisen  from  a 
desire  to  save  her  unnecessary  pain  and  exposure  to 
the  public  gaze.  Mrs  Brown  was  still  at  Philadelphia, 
and  after  expressing  his  pleasure  at  learning  she 
was  meeting  with  so  many  kind  friends,  he  pro- 
ceeds : — 

“I  have  just  received  from  Mr  John  Jay,  of 
New  York,  a draft  for  fifty  dollars  for  the  benefit  of 
my  family,  and  will  enclose  it  made  payable  to  your 
order.  I have  also  fifteen  dollars  to  send  to  our 
crippled  and  destitute  unmarried  son  ; when  I can 


244  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


I intend  to  send  you,  by  express,  two  or  three  little 
articles  to  carry  home.  Should  you  happen  to  meet 
with  Mr  Jay,  say  to  him  that  you  fully  appreciate 
his  great  kindness  both  to  me  and  my  family.  God 

bless  all  such  friends.  It  is  out  of  my  power  to 

reply  to  all  the  kind  and  encouraging  letters  I get ; 
I wish  I could  do  so.  I have  been  so  much  relieved 
from  my  lameness  for  the  last  three  or  four  days, 
as  to  be  able  to  sit  up  to  read  and  write  pretty 

much  all  day,  as  well  as  part  of  the  night;  and  I 

do  assure  you  and  all  other  friends  that  I am  quite 
busy,  and  none  the  less  happy  on  that  account. 
The  time  passes  quite  pleasantly,  and  the  near 
approach  of  my  great  change  is  not  the  occasion 
of  any  particular  dread.  ...  I am  inclined  to 
think  you  will  not  be  likely  to  succeed  well  about 
getting  away  the  bodies  of  your  family ; but  should 
that  be  so,  do  not  let  that  grieve  you.  It  can 
make  but  little  difference  what  is  done  with 
them. 

“You  can  well  remember  the  changes  you  have 
passed  through.  Life  is  made  up  of  a series  of 
changes,  and  let  us  meet  them  in  the  best  manner 
possible.  You  will  not  wish  to  make  yourself  and 
children  more  burdensome  to  friends  than  you  are 
really  compelled  to  do.  I would  not. 

“ I will  close  this  by  saying  that,  if  you  now  feel 
that  you  are  equal  to  the  undertaking,  do  exactly 
as  you  feel  disposed  to  do  about  coming  to  see  me 
before  I suffer.  I am  entirely  willing.  Your  affec- 
tionate husband,  John  Brown.” 


THE  INTERIM 


245 


Sunday,  27th,  his  last  Sunday  on  earth,  has  left 
us  two  letters.  The  first,  which  we  need  not  quote, 
heaves  a sigh  of  relief  that  his  efforts  on  behalf 
of  his  family  are  at  last  rewarded  with  some  measure 
of  success.  It  “takes  from  my  mind  the  greatest 
burden  I have  felt  since  my  imprisonment,  to 
feel  assured  that,  in  some  way,  my  shattered  and 
broken-hearted  wife  and  children  will  be  so  far 
relieved  as  to  save  them  from  great  physical 
suffering.” 

The  second  is  to  a young  lady  correspondent, 
Miss  Sterns,  of  Springfield.  “ It  is  exceedingly 
gratifying  to  learn  from  friends  that  there  are 
not  wanting  in  this  generation  some  to  sympathise 
with  me  and  appreciate  my  motive,  even  now 
that  I am  whipped.  Success  is  in  general 
the  standard  of  all  merit.  I have  passed  my 
time  here  quite  cheerfully,  still  trusting  that  neither 
my  life  nor  my  death  will  prove  a total  loss.  As 
regards  both,  however,  I am  liable  to  mistake. 
It  affords  me  some  satisfaction  to  feel  conscious 
of  having  at  least  tried  to  better  the  condition  of 
those  who  are  always  on  the  under-hill  side,  and 
am  in  hope  of  being  able  to  meet  the  consequences 
without  a murmur.  I am  endeavouring  to  get 
ready  for  another  field  of  action,  where  no  defeat 
befalls  the  truly  brave.  That  God  reigns,  and  most 
wisely,  and  controls  all  events,  might,  it  would  seem, 
reconcile  those  who  believe  it  to  much  that  appears 
to  be  very  disastrous.  I am  one  who  tried  to  believe 
that,  and  still  keep  trying.  Those  who  die  for  the 


246  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


truth  may  prove  to  be  courageous  at  last ; so  I 
continue  ‘ hoping  on,’ till  I shall  find  that  the  truth 
must  finally  prevail.  I do  not  feel  in  the  least 
degree  despondent  or  degraded  by  my  circum- 
stances, and  I entreat  my  friends  not  to  grieve  on 
my  account.  You  will  please  excuse  a very  poor 
and  short  letter,  as  I get  more  than  I can  possibly 
answer.” 

Whilst  John  Brown  was  on  Monday,  28th,  writing 
the  letter  to  Judge  Tilden  of  Massachusetts,  quoted 
below,  Mrs  Brown  received  in  Philadelphia  the 
order  of  Governor  Wise  for  the  delivery  to  her,  in 
response  to  her  urgent  request,  of  the  bodies  of 
her  two  sons,  Watson  and  Oliver,  and  her  husband’s 
after  execution.  One  who  was  present  when  she 
received  the  communication  said : “ It  annihilated 
in  an  instant  the  last  hope  of  her  heart.  She  had 
said  she  had  no  hope.  In  that  terrible  moment 
she  learned  how  tenaciously  she  had  grasped  the 
shadow  of  one.  Strong  soul  as  she  is,  she  was  over- 
whelmed by  the  surges  of  her  grief ; and  who  could 
comfort  her?  But  she  has  sources  of  strength 
which  the  world  knows  not  of,  and  they  have  never 
failed  her,  and  never  will.  She  is  never  so  un- 
nerved that  she  would  save  her  husband’s  life,  were 
it  possible,  by  a mean  or  wicked  act.  It  was  de- 
lightful to  hear  the  quiet,  matter-of-course  way  in 
which  she  said,  when  a gleam  of  hope  had  fallen 
on  her  heart  from  the  report  that  a case  of  insanity 
might  be  made  out : ‘ But  I couldn’t  say,  if  I were 
called  upon,  that  my  husband  was  insane — even 


THE  INTERIM 


247 


to  save  his  life,  because  he  wasn’t ; ’ as  if  the  utter- 
ance of  an  untruth  were  a natural  as  well  as  a 
moral  impossibility  to  her.” 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  both  husband  and 
wife  on  this  day  repudiated  the  plea  of  insanity 
which  had  been  put  forward  by  some  friends  in  the 
hope  of  saving  him. 


To  Judge  Tilden 

“ Charlestown,  Va., 
“Monday,  2 8th  November  1859. 

“My  dear  Sir,— Your  most  kind  and  comforting 
letter  of  the  23rd  inst.  is  received.  I have  no 
language  to  express  the  feelings  of  gratitude  and 
obligation  I am  under  for  your  kind  interest  in  my 
behalf  ever  since  my  disaster. 

“ The  great  bulk  of  mankind  estimate  each  other’s 
actions  and  motives  by  the  measure  of  success 
or  otherwise  that  attends  them  through  life.  By 
that  rule  I have  been  one  of  the  worst  and  one 
of  the  best  of  men.  I do  not  claim  to  have  been 
one  of  the  latter ; and  I leave  it  to  an  impartial 
tribunal  to  decide  whether  the  world  has  been  the 
worse  or  the  better  of  my  living  and  dying  in  it. 
My  present  great  anxiety  is  to  get  as  near  in 
readiness  for  a different  field  of  action  as  I well  can, 
since  being  in  a good  measure  relieved  from  the 
fear  that  my  poor,  broken-hearted  wife  and  children 
would  come  to  immediate  want.  May  God  reward  a 


248  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PRO  WN 

thousandfold  all  the  kind  efforts  made  in  their 
behalf.  I have  enjoyed  remarkable  cheerfulness  and 
composure  of  mind  ever  since  my  confinement,  and 
it  is  a great  comfort  to  feel  assured  that  I am  per- 
mitted to  die  for  a cause  ; not  merely  to  pay  the 
debt  of  nature — as  all  must.  I feel  myself  to 
be  most  unworthy  of  so  great  distinction.  The 
particular  manner  of  dying  assigned  to  me  gives  me 
but  very  little  uneasiness.  I wish  I had  the  time 
and  the  ability  to  give  you,  my  dear  friend,  some 
little  idea  of  what  is  daily  and,  I might  almost  say, 
hourly  passing  within  my  prison  walls ; and  could 
my  friends  but  witness  only  a few  of  those  scenes, 
just  as  they  occur,  I think  they  would  feel  very  well 
reconciled  to  my  being  here,  just  what  I am,  and 
just  as  I am.  My  whole  life  before  had  not 
afforded  me  one  half  the  opportunity  to  plead  for 
the  right.  In  this,  also,  I find  much  to  reconcile 
me  to  both  my  present  condition  and  my  immediate 
prospect.  I may  be  very  insane,  and  I am  so  if 
insane  at  all.  But,  if  that  be  so,  insanity  is  like  a 
very  pleasant  dream  to  me.  I am  not  in  the  least 
degree  conscious  of  my  ravings,  of  my  fears,  or  of 
any  terrible  visions  whatever ; but  fancy  myself 
entirely  composed  ; and  that  my  sleep,  in  particular, 
is  as  sweet  as  that  of  a healthy,  joyous  little  infant. 
I pray  God  that  He  will  grant  me  a continuance  of 
the  same  calm  but  delightful  dream,  until  I 
come  to  know  of  those  realities  which  eyes  have 
not  seen,  and  which  ears  have  not  heard.  I have 
scarce  realised  that  I am  in  prison  or  in  irons  at 


THE  INTERIM 


249 


all.  I certainly  think  I was  never  more  cheerful 
in  my  life. 

“ I intend  to  take  the  liberty  of  sending,  by  express, 
to  your  care  some  trifling  articles  for  those  of  my 
family  who  may  be  in  Ohio,  which  you  can  hand 
to  my  brother  Jeremiah  when  you  may  see  him, 
together  with  fifteen  dollars  I have  asked  him  to 
advance  to  them.  Please  excuse  me  so  often 
troubling  you  with  my  letters,  or  any  of  my 
matters.  Please  also  remember  me  most  kindly  to 
Mr  Griswold,  and  to  all  others  who  love  their 
neighbours.  I write  Jeremiah  to  your  care. — Your 
friend,  in  truth,  JOHN  Brown.” 

To  a merchant  in  Charlestown — whose  name  has 
not  transpired — from  whom  he  had  received  many 
little  kindnesses,  Brown  this  day,  29th,  presented 
a Bible  with  the  following  inscription  on  the  fly  leaf. 

“With  the  best  wishes  of  the  undersigned,  and 
his  sincere  thanks  for  many  acts  of  kindness  received. 
There  is  no  commentary  in  the  world  so  good  in 
order  to  a right  understanding  of  this  blessed  Book 
as  an  honest,  child-like  and  teachable  spirit. 

“John  Brown. 

“ Charlestown,  ityh  November  1859.” 

Wednesday,  30th.  Mrs  Brown  set  out  at  last  on 
her  sad  journey,  and,  accompanied  by  Messrs  Miller 
M‘Kim  and  Hector  Tyndale,  reached  Harper’s 
Ferry  in  the  evening.  Her  intention  was  to  leave 


250  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

early  the  next  morning  for  Charlestown,  but  the 
authorities  directed  her  to  remain  until  she  received 
further  orders  from  them. 

Ignorant  of  her  movements,  and  of  her  prox- 
imity, Brown  spent  the  day  in  writing  his  last  letter 
to  his  family. 


“ Charlestown  Prison,  Va., 
‘‘30 th  November  1859. 

“My  dearly  - beloved  Wife,  Sons  and 
Daughters,  Every  One, — As  I now  begin  pro- 
bably what  is  the  last  letter  I shall  ever  write  to 
any  of  you,  I conclude  to  write  to  all  at  the  same 
time.  I will  mention  some  little  matters  particularly 
applicable  to  little  property  concerns  in  another 
place. 

“ I recently  received  a letter  from  my  wife,  from 
near  Philadelphia,  dated  22nd  November,  by  which 
it  would  seem  that  she  was  about  giving  up  the 
idea  of  seeing  me  again.  I had  written  her  to 
come  on  if  she  felt  equal  to  the  undertaking,  but  I 
do  not  know  that  she  will  get  my  letter  in  time. 
It  was  on  her  own  account  chiefly  that  I asked 
her  to  stay  back.  At  first  I had  a most  strong 
desire  to  see  her  again,  but  there  appeared  to  be 
very  serious  objections ; and  should  we  never  meet 
in  this  life,  I trust  that  she  will  in  the  end  be  satisfied 
it  was  for  the  best,  at  least,  if  not  most  for  her 
comfort. 

“ I am  waiting  the  hour  of  my  public  murder  with 


THE  INTERIM 


25T 


great  composure  of  mind  and  cheerfulness,  feeling 
the  strong  assurance  that  in  no  other  possible  way 
could  I be  used  to  so  much  advantage  to  the  cause 
of  God  and  of  humanity,  and  that  nothing  that 
either  I or  all  my  family  have  sacrificed  or  suffered 
will  be  lost.  The  reflection  that  a wise  and  merciful 
as  well  as  just  and  holy  God  rules  not  only  the 
affairs  of  this  world  but  of  all  worlds,  is  a rock  to 
set  our  feet  upon  under  all  circumstances — even 
those  more  severely  trying  ones  in  which  our  own 
feelings  and  wrongs  have  placed  us.  I have  now  no 
doubt  but  that  our  seeming  disaster  will  ultimately 
result  in  the  most  glorious  success.  So,  my  dear 
shattered  and  broken  family,  be  of  good  cheer,  and 
believe  and  trust  in  God  with  all  your  heart  and 
with  all  your  soul ; for  He  doeth  all  things  well. 
Do  not  feel  ashamed  on  my  account,  nor  for  one 
moment  despair  of  the  cause  or  grow  weary  in  well- 
doing. I bless  God  I never  felt  stronger  confidence 
in  the  certain  and  near  approach  of  a bright  morn- 
ing and  glorious  day  than  I have  felt,  and  do  now 
feel,  since  my  confinement  here.  I am  endeavouring 
to  return,  like  a poor  prodigal  as  I am,  to  my  Father, 
against  whom  I have  always  sinned,  in  the  hope  that 
He  may  kindly  and  forgivingly  meet  me,  though  a 
very  great  way  off. 

“ Oh,  my  dear  wife  and  children,  would  to  God 
you  could  know  how  I have  been  travailing  in 
birth  for  you  all,  that  no  one  of  you  may  fail  of  the 
grace  of  God  through  Jesus  Christ;  that  no  one  of 
you  may  be  blind  to  the  truth  and  glorious  light 


252  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


of  His  Word,  in  which  life  and  immortality  are 
brought  to  light.  I beseech  you,  every  one,  to 
make  the  Bible  your  daily  and  nightly  study,  with 
a child-like,  honest,  candid,  teachable  spirit  of  love 
and  respect  for  your  husband  and  father.  And  I 
beseech  the  God  of  my  fathers  to  open  all  your 
eyes  to  the  discovery  of  the  truth.  You  cannot 
imagine  how  much  you  may  soon  need  the 
consolations  of  the  Christian  religion.  Circum- 
stances like  my  own  for  more  than  a month  past 
have  convinced  me,  beyond  all  doubt,  of  my  own 
great  need  of  some  theories  treasured  up,  when  our 
prejudices  are  excited,  our  vanity  worked  up  to  the 
highest  pitch.  Oh,  do  not  trust  your  eternal  all 
upon  the  boisterous  ocean,  without  even  a helm  or 
compass  to  aid  you  in  steering  ! I do  not  ask  of  you 
to  throw  away  your  reason ; I only  ask  you  to  make 
a candid,  sober  use  of  your  reason. 

“ My  dear  young  children,  will  you  listen  to  this 
last  poor  admonition  of  one  who  can  only  love  you  ? 
Oh,  be  determined  at  once  to  give  your  whole 
heart  to  God,  and  let  nothing  shake  or  alter  that 
resolution.  You  need  have  no  fears  of  regretting 
it.  Do  not  be  vain  and  thoughtless,  but  sober- 
minded  ; and  let  me  entreat  you  all  to  love  the 
whole  remnant  of  our  once  great  family.  Try  and 
build  up  again  your  broken  walls,  and  to  make 
the  utmost  of  every  stone  that  is  left.  Nothing 
can  so  tend  to  make  life  a blessing  as  the  con- 
sciousness that  your  life  and  example  bless  and 
leave  others  stronger.  Still,  it  is  ground  of  the 


THE  INTERIM 


253 


utmost  comfort  to  my  mind  to  know  that  so  many 
of  you  as  have  had  the  opportunity  have  given 
some  proof  of  your  fidelity  to  the  great  family  of  men. 
Be  faithful  unto  death  ; from  the  exercise  of  habitual 
love  to  man  it  cannot  be  very  hard  to  love  his  Maker. 

“ I must  yet  insert  the  reason  for  my  firm  belief 
in  the  Divine  inspiration  of  the  Bible,  notwith- 
standing I am,  perhaps,  naturally  sceptical  — 
certainly  not  credulous.  I wish  all  to  consider  it 
most  thoroughly  when  you  read  that  blessed  Book, 
and  see  whether  you  cannot  discover  such  evidence 
yourselves.  It  is  the  purity  of  heart,  filling  our 
minds  as  well  as  work  and  actions,  which  is 
everywhere  insisted  on,  that  distinguishes  it  from 
all  the  other  teachings,  that  commends  it  to  my 
conscience.  Whether  my  heart  be  willing  and 
obedient  or  not,  the  inducement  that  it  holds  out 
is  another  reason  of  my  conviction  of  its  truth  and 
genuineness ; but  I do  not  here  omit  this  my  last 
argument  on  the  Bible,  that  eternal  life  is  what 
my  soul  is  panting  after  this  moment.  I mention 
this  as  a reason  for  endeavouring  to  leave  a 
valuable  copy  of  the  Bible,  to  be  carefully  preserved 
in  remembrance  of  me,  to  so  many  of  my  posterity, 
instead  of  some  other  book  at  equal  cost. 

“ I beseech  you  all  to  live  in  habitual  contentment 
with  moderate  circumstances  and  gains  of  worldly 
store,  and  earnestly  to  teach  this  to  your  children 
and  children’s  children  after  you,  by  example  as 
well  as  precept.  Be  determined  to  know  by  ex- 
perience, as  soon  as  may  be,  whether  Bible  instruc- 


254  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


tion  is  of  Divine  origin  or  not.  Be  sure  to  owe 
no  man  anything,  but  to  love  one  another.  John 
Rogers  wrote  to  his  children : ‘ Abhor  that  arrant 
whore  of  Rome.’  John  Brown  writes  to  his  children 
to  abhor,  with  undying  hatred  also,  that  sum  of 
all  villanies — slavery.  Remember,  ‘ he  that  is  slow 
to  anger  is  better  than  the  mighty,’  and  ‘ he  that 
ruleth  his  spirit  than  he  that  taketh  a city.’ 
Remember  also  that  ‘ they  being  wise  shall  shine, 
and  they  that  turn  many  to  righteousness,  as  the 
stars  for  ever  and  ever.’ 

“ And  now,  dearly-beloved  family,  to  God  and  the 
work  of  His  grace  I commend  you  all. — Your 
affectionate  husband  and  father, 

“John  Brown.” 

Thursday,  1st  December.  Brown’s  last  full  day 
in  the  world.  The  morning  he  spent  in  preparing 
his  will,  still  ignorant  that  he  was  once  more  to  see 
his  ‘ dearly-beloved  wife.’  For  several  hours  she 
was  detained  at  Harper’s  Ferry  whilst  telegraphic 
communications  were  passing  between  Richmond, 
Charlestown  and  Harper’s  Ferry,  the  result  being 
that  General  Taliaferro  stated  he  had  sent  a file 
of  dragoons  to  escort  Mrs  Brown,  but  that  her 
companions  must  come  no  farther. 

In  Charlestown  great  military  preparations  were 
made,  and  at  four  o’clock,  when  the  grief-stricken 
wife  arrived  at  the  town,  she  had  to  proceed  to  the 
gaol  between  rows  of  bayonets,  flanked  by  pieces 
of  artillery.  Whilst  Mrs  Avis  searched  Mrs  Brown 


THE  INTERIM 


255 


for  any  concealed  weapons,  General  Taliaferro 
informed  the  prisoner  that  his  wife  had  arrived, 
and  was  to  be  allowed  to  see  him,  asking  how  long 
an  interview  they  required. 

“Not  long,”  said  Brown;  “three  or  four  hours 
will  do.” 

“ I am  very  sorry,  Captain  Brown,”  replied  the 
General,  “ that  I cannot  oblige  you.  Mrs  Brown 
must  return  to-night  to  Harper’s  Ferry.” 

“ Well,”  answered  Brown,  “ I ask  nothing  of 
you,  sir,  I beg  nothing  from  the  State  of  Virginia. 
Carry  out  your  orders,  General,  that  is  enough.  I am 
content.” 

Mrs  Brown  was  led  into  the  cell  by  the  jailer. 
Her  husband  rose  as  she  entered,  and  received  her 
in  his  arms.  For  some  minutes  they  stood  speech- 
less, Mrs  Brown  resting  her  head  on  her  husband’s 
breast,  and  clasping  his  neck.  At  length  they 
sat  down  and  conversed.  Captain  Avis,  who  was 
present,  gave  the  following  particulars  of  the 
interview.* 

Brown  spoke  first.  “Wife,  I am  glad  to  see 
you.” 

“ My  dear  husband  ! it  is  a hard  fate.” 

“ Well,  well ! cheer  up,  cheer  up,  Mary.  We 
must  all  bear  it  in  the  best  manner  we  can.  I 
believe  it  is  all  for  the  best.” 

“ Our  poor  children — God  help  them  ! ” 

“ Those  that  are  dead  to  this  world  are  angels 
in  another.  How  are  all  those  still  living?  Tell 

* Quoted  by  Webb.  Life , p.  312. 


256  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

them  their  father  died  without  a single  regret  for 
the  course  he  has  pursued — that  he  is  satisfied  he 
is  right  in  the  eyes  of  God  and  of  all  just  men.” 

Mrs  Brown  then  spoke  of  their  remaining 
children  and  their  home.  Brown’s  voice,  as  he 
alluded  to  the  bereavements  of  his  family,  was 
broken  with  emotion. 

Mrs  Brown  observed  the  chain  about  the  ankles 
of  her  husband.  To  prevent  it  from  chafing  his 
flesh  he  had  put  on  two  pairs  of  woollen  socks. 
She  said  she  was  anxious  to  secure  the  chain  as  a 
family  relic.  She  already  had  at  home  the  one  in 
which  John  Brown,  junr.,  was  shackled  in  Kansas. 
Brown  said  he  had  asked  Governor  Wise  for  it,  but 
had  been  refused. 

They  next  discussed  business  matters  and  Brown 
explained  the  details  of  his  will.  He  also  handed 
over  to  his  wife  all  his  letters  and  papers.  Then 
they  supped  together,  or  made  pretence  of  doing 
so,  and  Mrs  Brown  asked  to  be  allowed  to  see  the 
other  prisoners.  This  was  prohibited  by  express 
orders  from  the  General,  but  Captain  Avis  offered  to 
allow  her  to  see  them  on  his  own  responsibility. 
Mrs  Brown  declined  to  see  them  under  the  circum- 
stances. 

Then  an  order  arrived  from  Taliaferro  saying 
the  interview  must  end.  Brown  then  said  : “ I 

hope  you  will  be  able  to  get  all  our  children  together, 
and  impress  the  inculcation  of  right  principles  on 
each  succeeding  generation.  I give  you  all  the 
letters  and  papers  which  have  been  sent  me  since 


THE  INTERIM 


257 


my  arrest.  I wish  you  also  to  take  all  my  clothes  that 
are  here,  and  carry  them  home.  Good-bye,  good- 
bye. God  bless  you  ! ” So  parted  a true  hero  and 
heroine. 

Mrs  Brown  was  then  escorted  back  to  Harper’s 
Ferry,  and  arrived  there  about  nine  o’clock,  greatly 
exhausted,  prostrate  with  grief. 


R 


CHAPTER  XIV 


MARTYRDOM 

Friday,  2nd  December  1859,  broke  bright  and  clear, 
showing  a cloudless  sky.  In  a field  about  half  a 
mile  from  the  gaol,  by  7 o’clock  carpenters  were 
at  work  erecting  the  scaffold.  It  was  six  feet  high, 
twelve  wide  and  about  eighteen  in  length.  A hand- 
rail extended  round  three  sides  and  down  a flight 
of  steps.  On  the  fourth  side  strong  uprights  sup- 
ported a cross  beam,  from  the  centre  of  which  a 
rope  was  suspended,  attached  to  an  iron  hook.  By 
8 o’clock  troops  began  to  arrive  on  the  ground, 
both  infantry,  cavalry  and  artillery  being  present 
to  the  number  of  over  3000.  Some  500  immediately 
surrounded  the  scaffold,  the  remainder  being  dispersed 
over  the  field.  In  addition  to  these,  sentries  and 
patrols  guarded  the  roads  for  miles  around,  to  prevent 
any  attempt  at  rescue.  A large  brass  cannon  was 
loaded  with  grape-shot  and  trained  on  the  spot 
where  the  condemned  man  would  stand.  Others 
commanded  every  approach  to  the  gaol.  Not  more 
than  400  civilians  are  said  to  have  been  witnesses 
of  the  final  scene. 

Brown  had  risen  at  daybreak  and  immediately 
258 


To  face  Chapter  XIV.,  page  258. 


MARTYRDOM 


259 


resumed  his  correspondence,  which  included  the 
following  last  wishes  to  his  family;  duly  honoured 
by  them. 


To  be  Inscribed  on  the  Family  Monument 
at  North  Elba 

Oliver  Brown,  born  1839,  was  killed 

at  Harper’s  Ferry,  Virginia,  17th  November  1859. 

Watson  Brown,  born  1835,  was  wounded 

at  Harper’s  Ferry,  17th  November,  and  died 
19th  November  1859.  (My  wife  can  fill  up  the 
blank  dates  as  above.) 

John  Brown,  born  9th  May  1800,  was  executed 
at  Charlestown,  Virginia,  2nd  December  1859. 

He  also  added  the  following  codicil  to  his  will : — 


“ Charlestown,  Jefferson  Co.,  Virginia, 

“ 2nd  December  1859. 

“ It  is  my  desire  that  my  wife  have  all  my  personal 
property  not  previously  disposed  of  by  me ; and  the 
entire  use  of  all  my  landed  property  during  her 
natural  life  ; and  that  after  her  death  the  proceeds  of 
such  land  be  equally  divided  between  my  then  living 
children ; and  that  what  would  be  a child’s  share 
be  given  to  the  children  of  each  of  my  two  sons  who 
fell  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  and  that  a child’s  share  be 
divided  among  the  children  of  my  now  living  children 


260  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


who  may  die  before  their  mother  (my  present  be- 
loved wife).  No  formal  will  can  be  of  use  when 
my  express  wishes  are  made  known  to  my  dutiful 
and  beloved  family.  JOHN  BROWN.” 

“ My  dear  Wife, — I have  time  to  enclose  the  within 
and  the  above,  which  I forgot  yesterday,  and  to 
bid  you  another  farewell.  1 Be  of  good  cheer,’  and 
God  Almighty  bless,  save,  comfort,  guide  and  keep 
you  to  the  end. — Your  affectionate  husband, 

“John  Brown.” 

At  10.30  the  sheriff  entered  the  cell  to  bid  him 
farewell.  A few  minutes  were  allowed  him  for  final 
interviews  with  his  doomed  companions.  He  saw  the 
two  negroes  first,  Shields  Green  and  John  Copeland, 
whom  he  encouraged  to  “stand  up  like  men  and 
not  betray  their  friends.”  He  saw  J.  E.  Cook  and 
E.  Coppock  next,  to  the  former  of  whom  alone  he 
spoke  in  anything  like  his  stern  manner,  because 
of  the  confession  by  which  he  had  vainly  hoped  to 
obtain  pardon,  in  which  he  had  made  some  state- 
ments not  accurate.  Aaron  D.  Stevens,  his  cell 
companion  until  the  previous  day,  he  saw  last,  and 
took  of  him  an  affectionate  farewell. 

“ Good-bye,  Captain,”  said  Stevens.  “ I know  you 
are  going  to  a better  land.” 

“ I know  I am,”  said  Brown. 

As  he  had  been  informed  he  would  not  be  allowed 
to  make  any  statement  from  the  scaffold,  he  placed 
a slip  of  paper  in  the  hands  of  the  officials  con- 


MARTYRDOM 


261 


taining  these  prophetic  lines,  his  last  written 
words : — 


“I,  John  Brown,  am  now  quite  certain  that  the 
crimes  of  this  guilty  land  will  never  be  purged  away 
but  with  blood.  I had,  as  I now  think  vainly, 
flattered  myself  that  without  very  much  bloodshed 
it  might  be  done.” 


At  eleven  o’clock  he  stepped  out  of  gaol  with  a 
bright,  serene  countenance,  holding  his  head  like 
a victorious  hero  going  to  his  reward.  Close  to  the 
door  stood  a negro  woman  with  a child  in  her  arms. 

He  stopped,  and,  stooping  down,  kissed  the  chubby 
black  face  of  the  infant.  And  Whittier  sang  : — 

“John  Brown  of  Ossawattomie 
They  led  him  out  to  die  ; 

And  lo  ! a poor  slave  mother 

With  her  little  child  press’d  nigh. 

Then  the  bold  blue  eye  grew  tender, 

And  the  old  harsh  face  grew  mild, 

As  he  stooped  between  the  jeering  ranks, 

And  kissed  the  negro’s  child. 

The  shadows  of  his  stormy  life 
That  moment  fell  apart, 

And  they  who  blamed  the  bloody  hand, 

Forgave  the  loving  heart ; 

That  kiss  from  all  its  guilty  means 
Redeem’d  the  good  intent, 

And  round  the  grisly  fighter’s  hair 
The  martyr’s  aureole  bent.” 

Andrew  Hunter,  the  prosecuting  counsel,  in  his 


262  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

old  age  wrote  an  article  on  Brown’s  trial  and  exe- 
cution, which  appeared  in  the  New  Orleans  Times 
— Democrat,  of  5th  September  1887,  and  almost 
savagely  denied  that  any  such  incident  took  place. 
But  it  was  universally  accepted  as  true  at  the  time. 
In  the  waggon  sat  the  driver  with  the  undertaker 
in  front,  Captain  Avis  and  his  charge  behind,  with 
the  walnut  coffin  enclosed  in  a plain  poplar  box, 
ready  for  the  journey  to  the  North,  near  to  them. 
The  driver  was  Gallagher,  one  of  the  correspondents 
of  the  New  York  Herald,  who  had  secured  the  post 
as  a means  of  serving  his  paper.  They  were  sur- 
rounded by  several  companies  of  cavalry. 

One  asked  as  they  started  whether  Captain  Brown 
could  endure  his  fate. 

“ I can  endure  almost  anything  but  parting  from 
friends,”  he  said  ; “ that  is  very  hard.” 

As  his  eye  fell  on  the  soldiers  he  straightened 
himself  up  proudly,  suggesting  to  the  onlookers 
that  he  desired  to  set  them  an  example  of  a 
soldier’s  courage.  As  they  ascended  a little  emi- 
nence the  scaffold,  surrounded  by  soldiers,  broke 
upon  his  sight,  but  it  did  not  cause  him  even  a 
flutter  of  fear.  His  eye  roamed  over  the  whole 
landscape  and  sky,  tracing  the  dim  outline  of  the 
Blue  Ridge  Mountains  on  the  distant  horizon, 
probably  thinking  of  the  “ everlasting  hills  ” from 
whence  came  his  strength.  “ This  is  a beautiful 
country,”  he  remarked.  “ I have  not  cast  my  eyes 
over  it  before  — that  is  while  passing  through  the 
field.” 


MARTYRDOM  263 

“You  are  more  cheerful  than  I am,  Captain 
Brown,”  said  the  undertaker. 

“Yes,  I ought  to  be,”  was  his  reply. 

As  the  procession  entered  the  field,  surprised  at 
the  absence  of  the  public,  he  said,— 

“I  see  no  citizens  here.  Where  are  they?” 

He  was  told  the  citizens  were  advised  not  to  be 
present. 

“ That  ought  not  to  be,”  said  he ; “ citizens  should 
be  allowed  to  be  present  as  well  as  others.” 

Arriving  at  the  foot  of  the  scaffold,  he  was 
assisted  out  of  the  waggon,  and  turning  to  the 
mayor  and  others  with  whom  he  had  been  brought 
into  contact,  he  said,  in  a clear,  steady  voice, — 

“ Gentlemen,  good-bye,”  and  walked  with  firm 
step  and  erect  frame  up  the  scaffold  steps.  Even 
his  implacable  enemies,  thirsting  for  his  blood,  were 
reluctantly  compelled  to  acknowledge  the  bravery 
of  their  victim.  As  his  elbows  and  ankles  were 
pinioned  he  said  to  Captain  Avis,— 

“ I have  no  words  to  thank  you  for  all  your 
kindness  to  me.” 

Then  the  white  cap  was  drawn  over  his  eyes 
and  he  was  led  to  the  centre  of  the  drop,  the  rope 
being  adjusted  round  his  neck. 

The  sheriff  asked,  “ Shall  I give  you  a hand- 
kerchief and  let  you  drop  it  as  a signal  ? ” 

“No;  I am  ready  at  any  time,  but  do  not  keep 
me  needlessly  waiting.” 

Virginia  refused  this  last  request  of  John  Brown. 
“ Not  ready  yet,”  cried  the  commanding  officer,  and 


264  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BRO  WN 


for  ten  minutes  he  was  kept  in  dire  suspense, 
whilst  the  military  — amongst  whom  was  John 
Wilkes  Booth,  the  murderer  of  Lincoln  — went 
through  a series  of  aimless  evolutions,  until  the 
few  civilians  present  began  to  cry  “ Shame.”  Was 
Virginia  trying  to  torture  her  victim  ? What  his 
thoughts  were  during  those  awful  minutes  who 
shall  say  ? Whatever  they  were  they  drew  from 
him  no  complaint. 

Twenty  minutes  after  the  trap  door  fell  the 
doctors  declared  life  to  be  extinct.  The  body 
was  placed  in  the  coffin,  and  still  surrounded  by 
soldiers  taken  back  to  the  gaol.  A few  hours 
later  it  was  handed  over  to  Messrs  J.  Miller  M'Kim 
and  Hector  Tyndale,  as  the  representatives  of  Mrs 
Brown. 

The  little  party  travelled  by  the  morning  train 
on  Saturday  to  Philadelphia,  intending  to  remain 
there  until  Monday,  in  order  to  give  Mrs  Brown  a 
much-needed  rest.  But  the  city  was  in  a state 
of  tumultuous  excitement.  The  mayor  met  them 
at  the  station  saying  they  must  go  on  at  once 
to  New  York,  as  he  feared  the  peace  would  be 
broken  if  they  remained.  So  on  to  New  York 
they  proceeded,  and  with  the  briefest  possible 
intervals  of  rest  continued  their  homeward  journey 
amid  many  manifestations  of  sympathy  and  respect, 
until  Wednesday  evening,  when,  after  sundown, 
they  approached  North  Elba.  Lanterns  were  lit, 
and  the  whole  family  was  out  on  the  lonely  hill- 
side, in  saddest  expectation. 


MARTYRDOM 


265 


At  one  o’clock  on  8th  December  John  Brown 
was  buried  in  a spot  selected  by  himself,  at  the 
foot  of  a rock  about  fifteen  yards  from  his  door. 
“ Blow  ye  the  trumpet,  blow,”  the  hymn  with 
which  he  had  lulled  his  little  ones  to  sleep,  was 
sung  around  his  grave.  Then  Wendell  Phillips 
spoke  as  follows  : — 

“ How  feeble  words  seem  here  ! How  can  I hope 
to  utter  what  your  hearts  are  full  of?  I fear  to 
disturb  the  harmony  which  his  life  breathes  round 
this  home.  One  and  another  of  you,  his  neighbours, 
say,  ‘ I have  known  him  five  years,’  ‘ I have  known 
him  ten  years.’  It  seems  to  me  as  if  we  had  none 
of  us  known  him.  How  our  admiring,  loving 
wonder  has  grown,  day  by  day,  as  he  has  un- 
folded trait  after  trait  of  earnest,  brave,  tender 
Christian  life ! We  see  him  walking  with  radiant, 
serene  face  to  the  scaffold,  and  think  what  an 
iron  heart,  what  devoted  faith  ! We  take  up  his 
letters,  beginning,  ‘ My  dear  wife  and  children,  every 
one  ’ — see  him  stoop  on  his  way  to  the  scaffold  and 
kiss  that  negro  child — and  this  iron  heart  seems  all 
tenderness.  Marvellous  old  man  ! We  have  hardly 
said  it  when  the  loved  forms  of  his  sons,  in  the 
bloom  of  young  devotion,  encircle  him,  and  we 
remember  he  is  not  alone ; only  the  majestic  centre 
of  a group.  Your  neighbour  farmer  went,  sur- 
rounded by  his  household,  to  tell  the  slaves  there 
were  still  hearts  and  right  arms  ready  and  nerved 
for  their  service.  From  this  roof,  four ; from  a 
neighbouring  one,  two ; to  make  up  the  score  of 


266  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

heroes.  And  these  weeping  children  and  widows 
seem  so  lifted  up  and  consecrated  by  long,  single- 
hearted  devotion  to  his  great  purpose,  that  we  dare 
to  remind  them  how  blessed  they  are  in  the 
privilege  of  thinking  that  in  the  last  throbs  of 
those  brave  young  hearts,  which  lie  buried  on  the 
banks  of  the  Shenandoah,  thoughts  of  them  mingled 
with  love  to  God  and  hope  for  the  slave.  He  has 
abolished  slavery  in  Virginia.  You  may  say  this 
is  too  much.  Our  neighbours  are  the  last  men  we 
know.  The  hours  that  pass  us  are  the  ones  we 
appreciate  the  least.  Men  walked  Boston  streets 
when  night  fell  on  Bunker’s  Hill,  and  pitied  Warren, 
saying,  1 Foolish  man  ! Thrown  away  his  life ! 
Why  didn’t  he  measure  his  means  better?’  We 
see  him  standing  colossal  that  day  on  that  blood- 
stained sod,  and  severing  the  tie  that  bound  Boston 
to  Great  Britain.  That  night  George  III.  ceased  to 
rule  in  New  England.  History  will  date  Virginian 
emancipation  from  Harper's  Ferry . True,  the  slave 
is  still  there.  So,  when  the  tempest  uproots  a 
pine  on  our  hills,  it  looks  green  for  months,  a year 
or  two.  Still,  it  is  timber,  not  a tree.  Thus  has 
John  Brown  loosened  the  roots  of  the  slave  system. 

“ Surely  such  a life  is  no  failure.  How  vast  the 
change  in  men’s  hearts ! Insurrection  was  a harsh, 
horrid  word  to  millions  a month  ago.  John  Brown 
went  a whole  generation  beyond  it,  claiming  the 
right  for  white  men  to  help  the  slave  to  freedom  by 
arms.  Harper’s  Ferry  was  no  single  hour,  standing 
alone — taken  out  from  a common  life;  it  was  the 


MARTYRDOM 


267 


flowering  of  fifty  years  of  single-hearted  devotion. 
He  must  have  lived  wholly  for  one  great  idea,  when 
those  who  owe  their  being  to  him  and  those  whom 
love  has  joined  group  so  harmoniously  around  him, 
each  accepting  serenely  his  and  her  part.  I feel 
honoured  to  stand  under  such  a roof.  Hereafter  you 
will  tell  children  standing  at  your  knees,  ‘ I saw  John 
Brown  buried — I sat  under  his  roof.’ 

“ God  make  us  all  worthier  of  him  whose  dust  we 
lay  among  these  hills  he  loved.  Here  he  girded 
himself  and  went  forth  to  battle.  Fuller  success 
than  his  heart  ever  dreamed  God  has  granted  him. 
He  sleeps  in  the  blessings  of  the  crushed  and  the 
poor,  and  men  believe  more  firmly  in  virtue  now 
that  such  a man  has  lived.” 


CHAPTER  XV 


RESULTS:  CONCLUSION 

On  the  day  of  execution  funeral  services  were  held 
in  many  Northern  towns,  the  most  interesting  to  the 
present  generation  being  the  one  held  in  Concord, 
Mass.  Alcott  in  his  Diary,  under  date  2nd  December 
1 859,  writes:  “ Ellen  Emerson  sends  me  her  fair  copy 
of  her  Martyr  Service.  At  2 p.m.  we  meet  at  the 
Town  Hall,  our  own  townspeople  present  mostly, 
and  many  from  the  adjoining  towns.  Simon  Brown 
is  chairman  ; the  readings  are  by  Thoreau,  Emerson, 
C.  Bowers,  and  Alcott ; and  Sanborn’s  ‘ Dirge  ’ is 
sung  by  the  company  standing.  The  bells  are  not 
rung.  I think  not  more  than  one  or  two  of  Brown’s 
friends  wished  them  to  be  ; I did  not.  It  was  more 
fitting  to  signify  our  sorrow  in  the  subdued  way,  and 
silently,  than  by  any  clamour  of  steeples  or  the 
awakening  of  angry  feelings  or  any  conflict,  as 
needless  as  unamiable,  between  neighbours.  The 
services  are  affecting  and  impressive,  distinguished 
by  modesty,  simplicity  and  earnestness  — worthy 
alike  of  the  occasion  and  of  the  man.” 

One  thing  is  abundantly  clear.  These  sym- 
pathisers— with  rare  insight — saw  the  real  signifi- 

268 


RESULTS:  CONCLUSION 


269 


cance  of  the  events  which  were  passing  before  them. 
They  had  no  thought  of  failure  to  their  enterprise 
because  of  Brown’s  death.  As  they  held  their 
“ Martyr  Service  ” in  the  hall  where  Brown  had 
twice  addressed  them,  one  of  their  number,  the  Rev. 
Edmond  Sears,  wrote  * : — 


“ Not  any  spot  six  feet  by  two 
Will  hold  a man  like  thee  ; 

John  Brown  will  tramp  the  shaking  earth 
From  Blue  Ridge  to  the  sea, 

Till  the  strong  angel  come  at  last 
And  opes  each  dungeon  door, 


And  God’s  Great  Charter  holds  and  waves 
O’er  all  his  humble  poor. 

And  then  the  humble  poor  will  come 
In  that  far-distant  day, 

And  from  the  felon’s  nameless  grave 
They’ll  brush  the  leaves  away  ; 

And  grey  old  men  will  point  the  spot 
Beneath  the  pine-tree  shade, 

As  children  ask  with  streaming  eyes 
Where  Old  John  Brown  is  laid.” 


On  the  same  day,  according  to  Sanborn,  Victor  Hugo 
addressed  a message  to  the  American  people  from 
his  retreat  in  St  Peter  Port,  Guernsey. 

“At  the  thought  of  the  United  States  of  America 
a majestic  form  rises  in  the  mind— Washington.  In 
this  country  of  Washington  what  is  now  taking 
place  ? There  are  slaves  in  the  South ; and  this 
most  monstrous  of  inconsistencies  offends  the  logical 
conscience  of  the  North.  To  free  these  black  slaves, 
John  Brown,  a white  man,  a free  man,  began  the 
work  of  their  deliverance  in  Virginia.  A Puritan 


* Quoted  by  Sanborn. 


2 70  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


austerely  religious,  inspired  by  the  evangel  ‘ Christ 
hath  set  us  free,’  he  raised  the  cry  of  emancipation. 
But  the  slaves,  unmanned  by  servitude,  made  no 
response;  for  slavery  stops  the  ears  of  the  soul. 
John  Brown,  thus  left  alone,  began  the  contest. 
With  a handful  of  heroic  men  he  kept  up  the  fight; 
riddled  with  bullets,  his  two  youngest  sons,  sacred 
martyrs,  falling  at  his  side,  he  was  at  last  captured. 
His  trial?  It  took  place,  not  in  Turkey,  but  in 
America.  Such  things  are  not  done  with  impunity 
under  the  eyes  of  the  civilised  world.  The  conscience 
of  mankind  is  an  open  eye ; let  the  court  at  Charles- 
town understand  — Hunter  and  Parker,  the  slave- 
holding jurymen,  the  whole  population  of  Virginia — 
that  they  are  watched.  This  has  not  been  done  in  a 
corner.  John  Brown,  condemned  to  death,  is  to  be 
hanged  to-day.  'His'  hangman  is  not  the  Attorney 
Hunter,  nor  the  Judge  Parker,  nor  Governor  Wise, 
nor  the  little  State  of  Virginia — his  hangman  (we 
shudder  to  think  it  and  say  it !)  is  the  whole 
American  Republic.  . . . Politically  speaking,  the 
murder  of  Brown  will  be  an  irrevocable  mistake.  It 
will  deal  the  Union  a concealed  wound  which  will 
finally  sunder  the  States.  Let  America  know  and 
consider  that  there  is  one  thing  more  shocking 
than  Cain  killing  Abel — it  is  Washington  killing 
Spartacus.” 

/ And  in  March  i860  Hugo  wrote  further: 
“ Slavery  in  all  its  forms  will  disappear.  What  the 
South  slew  last  December  was  not  John  Brown,  but 
Slavery.  Henceforth,  no  matter  what  President 


RESULTS,  CONCLUSION 


271 


Buchanan  may  say  in  his  shameful  message,  the 
American  Union  must  be  considered  dissolved. 
Between  the  North  and  the  South  stands  the  gallows 
of  Brown.  Union  is  no  longer  possible ; such  a 
crime  cannot  be  shared.” 

Emerson’s  views  on  Brown  and  his  work  we  have 
quoted  in  previous  chapters.  We  may  add  these 
additional  testimonies  from  the  Sage  of  Concord  and 
some  of  his  distinguished  townsmen. 

“ He  grew  up  a religious  and  manly  person,  in 
severe  poverty ; a fair  specimen  of  the  best  stock  of 
New  England,  having  that  force  of  thought  and 
that  sense  of  right  which  are  the  warp  and  woof  of 
greatness.  Our  farmers  were  orthodox  Calvinists, 
mighty  in  the  Scriptures ; had  learned  that  life  was 
a preparation,  a ! probation,’  to  use  their  word,  for  a 
higher  world,  and  was  to  be  spent  in  loving  and 
serving  mankind.  Thus  was  formed  a romantic 
character,  absolutely  without  any  vulgar  trait ; living 
to  ideal  ends,  without  any  mixture  of  self-indulgence 
or  compromise,  such  as  lowers  the  value  of  benevolent 
and  thoughtful  men  we  know ; abstemious,  refusing 
luxuries,  not  sourly  and  reproachfully,  but  simply 
as  unfit  for  his  habit;  quiet  and  gentle  as  a child 
in  the  house.  And  as  happens  usually  to  men  of 
romantic  character,  his  fortunes  were  romantic. 
Walter  Scott  would  have  been  delighted  to  draw 
his  picture  and  trace  his  adventurous  career.” 

Thoreau  in  his  Diaries — 1857-59— speaks  thus  of 
him : — 


272  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

“ I should  say  that  he  is  an  old-fashioned  man  in 
his  respect  for  the  Constitution  and  his  faith  in  the 
permanence  of  this  Union.  Slavery  he  deems  to 
be  wholly  opposed  to  these,  and  he  is  its  determined 
foe.  He  is  by  descent  and  birth  a New  England 
farmer,  a man  of  great  common-sense,  deliberate 
and  practical  as  that  class  is,  and  tenfold  more  so — 
like  the  best  of  those  who  stood  at  Concord  Bridge 
once,  on  Lexington  Common,  and  on  Bunker’s  Hill ; 
only  he  was  firmer  and  higher-principled  than  any 
that  I have  chanced  to  hear  of  as  there.” 

Referring  to  Brown’s  repeated  successes  in  Kansas 
against  superior  numbers,  he  says: — 

“Yet  he  did  not  foolishly  attribute  his  success  to 
his  ‘star,’  or  to  any  magic.  He  said  truly,  that  the 
reason  why  greatly  superior  numbers  quailed  before 
him  was,  as  one  of  his  prisoners  confessed,  because 
they  ‘ lacked  a cause  ’ — a kind  of  armour  which  he 
and  his  party  never  lacked.  When  the  time  came 
few  men  were  found  willing  to  lay  down  their  lives 
in  defence  of  what  they  knew  to  be  wrong ; they  did 
not  like  that  this  should  be  their  last  act  in  this 
world.  . . . A man  of  rare  common-sense  and  direct- 
ness of  speech  as  of  action,  a transcendentalist,  above 
all  a man  of  ideas  and  principles — that  is  what  dis- 
tinguishes him.  Not  yielding  to  a whim  or  a tran- 
sient impulse,  but  carrying  out  the  purpose  of  a life.” 

Alcott’s  Diaries  furnish  several  interesting 
glimpses. 

“Concord,  8th  May  1859.  This  evening  I heard 


RESULTS:  CONCLUSION 


273 


Captain  Brown  speak  at  the  Town  Hall  on  Kansas 
affairs,  and  the  part  taken  by  him  in  the  late 
troubles  there.  He  tells  his  story  with  surpassing 
simplicity  and  sense,  impressing  us  all  deeply  by  his 
courage  and  religious  earnestness.  Our  best  people 
listen  to  his  words — Emerson,  Thoreau,  Judge  Hoar 
my  wife  ; and  some  of  them  contribute  something 
in  aid  of  his  plans  without  asking  particulars,  such 
confidence  does  he  inspire  in  his  integrity  and 
abilities.  I have  a few  words  with  him  after  his 
speech,  and  find  him  superior  to  legal  traditions, 
and  a disciple  of  the  Right  in  ideality  and  the 
affairs  of  state.  He  is  Sanborn’s  guest  and  stays  for 
a day  only.  A young  man  named  Anderson  ac- 
companies him.  They  go  armed,  I am  told,  and 
will  defend  themselves  if  necessary.  I believe  they 
are  now  on  their  way  to  Connecticut  and  further 
south;  but  the  captain  leaves  us  much  in  the  dark 
concerning  his  destination  and  designs  for  the 
coming  months.  Yet  he  does  not  conceal  his 
hatred  of  slavery,  nor  his  readiness  to  strike  a 
blow  for  freedom  at  the  proper  moment.  I infer 
it  is  his  intention  to  run  off  as  many  slaves  as 
he  can,  and  so  render  that  property  insecure  to  the 
master.  I think  him  equal  to  anything  he  dares — 
the  man  to  do  the  deed,  if  it  must  be  done,  and 
with  the  martyr’s  temper  and  purpose.  Nature 
obviously  was  deeply  intent  in  the  making  of  him. 
He  is  of  imposing  appearance  personally — tall,  with 
square  shoulders  and  standing;  eyes  of  deep  grey, 
and  couchant,  as  if  ready  to  spring  at  the  least 

S 


274  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


rustling,  dauntless  yet  kindly;  his  hair  shooting 
backward  from  low  down  on  his  forehead ; nose 
trenchant  and  Romanesque ; set  lips,  his  voice 
suppressed  yet  metallic;  suggesting  deep  reserves; 
decided  mouth  ; the  countenance  and  frame  charged 
with  power  throughout.  Since  here  last  he  has  added 
a flowing  beard,  which  gives  the  soldierly  air  and 
the  port  of  an  apostle.  Though  sixty  years  old,  he 
is  agile  and  alert,  and  ready  for  any  audacity,  in 
any  crisis.  I think  him  about  the  manliest  man 
I have  ever  seen — the  type  and  synonym  of  the 
Just.” 

“ 23rd  October.  Read  with  sympathy  and  a sense 
of  the  impossibility  of  any  justice  being  done  him 
by  South  or  North,  by  partisans  or  people — by  the 
general  mankind — the  newspaper  accounts  of  Captain 
Brown’s  endeavour  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  now  coming 
to  us,  and  exciting  politicians  and  everybody  every- 
where. This  man  I heard  speak  early  in  the 
season  at  our  Town  Hall,  and  had  the  pleasure 
of  grasping  his  firm  hand  and  of  speaking  with 
him  after  his  lecture.  This  deed  of  his,  so  surprising, 
so  mixed,  so  confounding  to  most  persons,  will  give 
an  impulse  to  freedom  and  humanity,  whatever 
becomes  of  its  victim  and  of  the  States  that  howl 
over  it.” 

“Sunday,  30th  October  1859.  Thoreau  reads  a 
paper  of  his  on  John  Brown,  his  virtues,  spirit  and 
deeds,  at  the  vestry  this  evening,  and  to  the  delight 


RESULTS : CONCLUSION 


275 


of  his  company,  I am  told  — the  best  that  could 
be  gathered  on  short  notice,  and  among  them 
Emerson.” 

“ Friday,  4th  November.  Thoreau  calls  and  reports 
about  the  reading  of  his  lecture  on  Brown  at  Boston 
and  Worcester.  Thoreau  has  good  right  to  speak 
fully  his  mind  concerning  Brown,  and  has  been  the 
first  to  speak  and  celebrate  the  hero’s  courage  and 
magnanimity.  It  is  these  which  he  discerns  and 
praises.  The  men  have  much  in  common  — the 
sturdy  manliness,  straightforwardness  and  independ- 
ence. It  is  well  they  met,  and  that  Thoreau  saw 
what  he  sets  forth  as  none  else  can.  Both  are  sons 
of  Anak  and  dwellers  in  Nature — Brown  taking  more 
to  the  human  side,  and  driving  straight  at  institu- 
tions, while  Thoreau  contents  himself  with  railing  at 
and  letting  them  otherwise  alone.  He  is  the  proper 
panegyrist  of  the  virtues  he  owns  himself  so  largely, 
and  so  comprehends  in  another.” 

H.  A.  Page  in  his  Thoreau  : His  Life  and 
Aims  * tells  us  that  Thoreau  had  a strong  dislike 
of  platforms  and  all  appearances  in  public,  but 
Brown’s  attempt  carried  him  out  of  his  habitual 
reserve.  He  had  little  sympathy  with  his  hero’s 
Calvinistic  Puritanism,  but  his  soul  glowed  with 
admiration  for  his  “great  deed.”  It  is  curious  to 
read  that  he — the  shy,  retiring  man  — personally 
sent  out  notices  to  the  houses  of  his  fellow  towns- 
men that  he  would  address  them  on  the  subject  of 
* Pp.  117-121. 


276  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


John  Brown  on  the  Sunday  evening.  The  Re- 
publican Committee  and  the  Abolition  Committee 
of  the  little  town  wrote  to  him  to  say  that  his 
action  was  premature  and  ill-advised.  He  replied  : 
“ I did  not  send  to  you  for  advice,  but  to  announce 
to  you  that  I am  to  speak.”  The  Town  Hall  was 
“ filled  at  an  early  hour  by  people  of  all  parties.”  One 
passage  from  his  address  may  be  quoted. 

“ I am  here  to  plead  his  cause  with  you.  I plead 
not  for  his  life,  but  his  character — his  immortal 
life ; and  so  it  becomes  your  cause  wholly,  and 
not  his  in  the  least.  ...  I see  now  that  it  was 
necessary  that  the  bravest  and  humanest  man  in 
the  country  should  be  hung.  Perhaps  he  saw  it 
himself.  I almost  fear  that  I may  yet  hear  of  his 
deliverance,  doubting  if  a prolonged  life,  if  any 
life,  can  do  as  much  good  as  his  death.”  A local 
chronicler  says : “ His  earnest  eulogy  of  the  hero 
was  heard  by  all  respectfully,  by  many  with  a 
sympathy  that  surprised  themselves.” 

How  profoundly  this  absorbed  student  of  nature 
was  moved  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  could 
write  like  this  seven  months  after  Brown’s  death: 
“ For  my  own  part,  I commonly  attend  more  to 
nature  than  to  man,  but  any  affecting  human  event 
may  blind  our  eyes  to  natural  objects.  I was  so 
absorbed  in  him  as  to  be  surprised  whenever  I 
detected  the  routine  of  the  natural  world  surviving 
still,  or  met  persons  going  about  their  affairs  in- 
different. It  appeared  strange  to  me  that  the 
‘little  dipper’  should  be  still  diving  quietly  in  the 


RESULTS:  CONCLUSION 


277 


river  as  of  yore;  and  it  suggested  that  this  bird 
might  continue  to  dive  here  when  Concord  should 
be  no  more. 

“ I felt  that  he,  a prisoner  in  the  midst  of  his 
enemies,  and  under  sentence  of  death,  if  consulted 
as  to  his  next  step  or  resource,  could  answer  more 
wisely  than  all  his  countrymen  beside.  He  best 
understood  his  position  ; he  contemplated  it  most 
calmly.  Comparatively,  all  other  men,  North  and 
South,  were  beside  themselves.  Our  thoughts  could 
not  revert  to  any  greater,  or  wiser,  or  better  man 
with  whom  to  contrast  him,  for  he,  then  and  there, 
was  above  them  all.  The  man  this  country  was 
about  to  hang  appeared  the  greatest  and  best  in 
it.  . . . Nothing  could  his  enemies  do  but  it  re- 
dounded to  his  infinite  advantage,  that  is,  to  the 
advantage  of  his  cause.  They  did  not  hang  him 
at  once  but  reserved  him  to  preach  to  them.  They 
did  not  hang  his  four  (six)  followers  with  him  ; 
that  scene  was  still  postponed;  and  so  his  victory 
was  prolonged  and  completed.  . . . 

“ On  the  day  of  his  translation  I heard,  to  be 
sure,  that  he  was  hung , but  I did  not  know  what 
that  meant ; I felt  no  sorrow  on  that  account  ; 
but  not  for  a day  or  two  did  I even  hear  that  he 
was  dead , and  not  after  any  number  of  days  shall 
I believe  it.  Of  all  the  men  who  were  said  to  be 
my  contemporaries,  it  seemed  to  me  that  John 
Brown  was  the  only  one  who  had  not  died.  ...  I 
meet  him  at  every  turn.  He  is  more  alive  than 
he  ever  was.  He  has  earned  immortality.  He  is 


278  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

not  confined  to  North  Elba  nor  to  Kansas.  He 
is  no  longer  working  in  secret.  He  works  in  public 
in  the  clearest  light  that  shines  in  the  land.” 

It  must  ever  be  regarded  as  one  of  “life’s  little 
ironies”  that  Thoreau  should  not  have  lived  to  see 
the  success  of  the  cause  so  dear  to  his  heart.  He 
died  in  May  1862,  in  his  forty-fifth  year. 

We  add  a few  more  specimens  of  contemporary 
opinion.  The  Rev.  Dr  George  B.  Cheever,  in  a 
sermon  entitled  “ The  Martyr’s  Death  and  the 
Martyr’s  Triumph,”  delivered  on  4th  December  1859, 
said:  “This  self-sacrifice  of  John  Brown  was  for 
a despised  and  hated  race,  condemned  to  perpetual 
slavery.  It  is  a sublime  and  solitary  instance  in 
all  modern  history.  A man  in  his  senses,  in  an 
age  of  prudential  wisdom  worshipped  as  religion 
— in  an  age  of  self-interest  and  expediency — when 
the  world  is  full  of  priests  and  Levites,  ecclesiastical, 
political,  social,  passing  by  on  the  other  side — 
offers  himself  in  the  service  of  a despised,  rejected, 
down-trodden  caste,  pursues  his  purpose  for  twenty 
years,  watches  for  opportunities  to  strike  some 
mighty  blow  of  deliverance,  and  at  length,  think- 
ing that  God  had  given  him  the  hour,  goes  forth 
to  suffer  unto  death  for  slaves  — for  negroes. 
Now,  I say  that,  under  such  circumstances,  John 
Brown  has  all  the  characteristics  of  a martyr,  and 
his  death  is  a martyr’s  death.  . . . Doubtless  the 
death  of  John  Brown  is  the  beginning- of  the 


RESULTS:  CONCLUSION  279 

Writing  in  the  Liberator . Lloyd  Garrison  said : 
“If  he  shall  be  (as  he  will  speedily  beyond  a per- 
adventure)  put  to  death,  he  will  not  die  ignobly, 
but  as  a martyr  to  his  sympathy  with  a suffering 
race,  and  in  defence  of  the  sacred  and  unalienable 
rights  of  man,  and  will,  therefore,  deserve  to  be 
held  in  grateful  and  honourable  remembrance  to 
the  latest  posterity,  by  all  those  who  glory  in  the 
deeds  of  a Wallace  or  Tell,  a Washington  or  Warren. 

. . . It  will  be  a terrible  losing  day  for  all  slavedom 
when  John  Brown  and  his  associates  are  brought 
to  the  gallows.  It  will  be  sowing  seed  broadcast 
for  a harvest  of  retribution.  Their  blood  will  cry 
trumpet-tongued  from  the  ground,  and  that  cry 
will  be  responded  to  by  tens  of  thousands  in  a 
manner  that  shall  cause  the  knees  of  the  Southern 
slave-mongers  to  smite  together,  as  did  those  of 
Belshazzar  of  old.” 

Theodore  Parker,  a member  of  the  small  com- 
mittee which  knew  much — though  not  the  whole 
— of  Brown’s  plans,*  was  travelling  in  Europe  in 
the  ineffectual  search  for  health  at  the  time  of  the 
raid.  He  was  watching  events  with  the  keenest 
interest,  and  two  of  the  last  letters  he  wrote  show 
that  he,  in  common  with  many  of  his  anti-slavery 
friends,  grasped  the  trend  of  events.  Writing  from 
Rome,  under  date  24th  November  1859,  to  his  friend 
Francis  Jackson  of  Boston,  he  said  : “ Captain  Brown’s 

* The  other  members  were,  Gerrit  Smith.  G.  L.  Stearns,  Dr  Howe, 
T.  W.  Higginson,  and  F.  B.  Sanborn. 


2 So  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


expedition  was  a failure,  I hear  it  said.  I am  not 
quite  sure  of  that.  True,  it  kills  fifteen  men  by 
sword  and  shot,  and  four  or  five  men  by  the  gallows. 
But  it  shows  the  weakness  of  the  greatest  Slave  State 
in  America,  the  worthlessness  of  her  soldiery,  and 
the  utter  fear  which  slavery  genders  in  the  bosoms 
of  the  masters. 

“ Brown  will  die,  I think,  like  a martyr,  and  also 
like  a saint.  His  noble  demeanour,  his  unflinching 
bravery,  his  gentleness,  his  calm,  religious  trust  in 
God,  and  his  words  of  truth  and  soberness  cannot 
fail  to  make  a profound  impression  on  the  hearts 
of  Northern  men;  yes,  and  on  Southern  men.  ‘For 
every  heart  is  human,’  etc.  I do  not  think  the  money 
wasted  nor  the  lives  thrown  away.  Many  acorns  must 
be  sown  to  have  one  come  up ; even  then,  the  plant 
grows  slow;  but  it  is  an  oak  at  last.  None  of  the 
Christian  martyrs  died  in  vain ; and  from  Stephen, 
who  was  stoned  at  Jerusalem,  to  Mary  Dyer,  whom 
our  fathers  hanged  on  a bough  of  ‘ the  great  tree  ’ on 
Boston  Common,  I think  there  have  been  few  spirits 
more  pure  and  devoted  than  John  Brown’s,  and  none 
gave  up  their  breath  in  a nobler  cause.” 

And  to  Emerson  on  gth  December  he  said  : “ Had 
I been  at  home,  sound  and  well,  I think  this  occasion 
would  have  either  sent  me  out  of  the  country — as  it 
has  Dr  Howe — or  else  have  put  me  in  a tight  place. 
Surely  I could  not  have  been  quite  unconcerned  and 
safe.” 

But  he  was  far  from  “sound  and  well,”  and,  like 
Thoreau,  died  before  victory  came. 


RESULTS:  CONCLUSION 


281 


In  explanation  of  the  reference  to  Dr  Howe  in  the 
last  extract  it  may  be  stated  that  Brown’s  capture 
and  the  seizure  of  his  papers  caused  considerable 
anxiety  among  the  members  of  the  secret  committee 
previously  mentioned.  Dr  Howe  withdrew  into 
Canada,  dreading  arrest.  The  remainder  of  the 
committee  went  quietly  about  their  usual  duties 
after  destroying  such  letters  as  would  implicate  them 
or  others,  except  Gerrit  Smith,  who  was  thrown  into 
a serious  illness  by  his  anxiety.  Although  diligent 
search  was  made,  no  evidence  was  found  making 
them  responsible  for  Brown’s  attempt. 

One  of  the  most  lucid  and  calmly-reasoned  reviews 
of  the  situation  appeared  in  th & National  Anti-Slavery 
Sta?idard — a paper  which  had  James  Russell  Lowell 
on  its  editiorial  staff  in  the  earlier  years  of  its  history 
— from  the  pen  of  Oliver  Johnson,  its  editor,  the 
friend  and  biographer  of  Garrison.  This  paper  was 
the  organ  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  the 
moral  suasion  party.  The  following  are  some  of  the 
more  striking  passages. 

“ For  ourselves,  differing  as  we  do  from  these  brave 
men  as  to  the  wisdom  of  their  enterprise,  and  regret- 
ting deeply  its  bloody  termination,  we  cannot  withhold 
our  admiration  from  the  self-devotion  and  constancy 
with  which  they  faced  and  met  their  death  in  a great 
and  unselfish,  however  mistaken,  attempt  for  the 
liberty  of  the  oppressed  race.  As  a display  of 
personal  courage  and  resolute  opposition  to  deadly 
odds,  we  know  of  nothing  in  the  annals  of  heroism 
that  excels  it.  In  this  age  of  compromise  and 


282  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 

cowardice,  of  calculators  and  economists,  it  is  an 
encouragement  to  know  that  there  could  be  found 
twenty  men  ready  to  dash  themselves  against  the 
wall  of  our  bastille  as  the  forlorn  hope  of  what  they 
believed  to  be  the  army  of  liberation.  We  think  better 
of  the  country  and  the  race  because  of  them. 

“The  point  of  view  in  which  John  Brown’s 
movement  may  most  appropriately  be  called  a success 
is  the  absolute  compulsion  it  has  laid  upon  all  sections 
of  the  country  to  think,  speak  and  act  in  relation  to 
slavery.  We,  the  Abolitionists,  have  for  twenty-eight 
years  been  seeking  the  peaceful  Abolition  of  this 
system  of  unspeakable  wickedness.  Believing  that  if 
the  people  of  this  country  would  look  fairly  at  the 
enormities  which  are  inseparable  from  its  character, 
they  would  see  that  duty  and  interest  combine  to 
require  its  immediate  and  unconditional  Abolition,  we 
have  sought  to  call  their  attention  to  the  facts  in 
question.  But  they  would  not  hear.  As  far  as 
strenuous  and  vigilant  efforts  would  avail,  the  clergy 
shut  the  subject  out  of  their  pulpits,  the  clerical 
editors  out  of  their  newspapers,  the  deacons  out  of 
their  prayer  meetings,  the  political  editors  out  of 
their  party  ‘ organs,’  the  church  committees  out  of 
their  meeting-houses,  and  the  people  at  large  out  of 
their  mouths  and  minds.  They  found  the  subject  of 
slavery  a bore.  Like  the  members  of  the  American 
Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions,  on  the 
presentation  of  Dr  Cheever’s  memorial  against  the 
slave  trade,  they  asked,  both  in  speech  and  equally  un- 
equivocal action:  ‘Why  are  we  to  be  teased  with 


RESULTS:  CONCLUSION 


283 


this  everlasting  fuss  about  niggers  ? ’ Our  constant 
effort  to  make  all  these  classes  attend  to  the  subject 
of  slavery,  discuss  it  and  act  upon  it — however  suc- 
cessful, considering  the  obstacles — advanced  but  by 
slow  degrees  towards  absolute  success.  John  Brown 
in  two  days,  by  his  different  method,  has  irresistibly 
compelled  all  these  people  to  do  what  we  have  been 
trying  all  these  years  to  persuade  them  to  do.  Is 
not  this  success  ? . . . 

“ That  desperate  night  and  day  at  Harper’s  Ferry, 
and  the  chain  of  events  which  has  depended  there- 
from, has  put  forward  the  hands  on  the  dial-plate  of 
our  national  destiny  many  years,  which  are  moments 
of  History.  It  has  done  more  to  develop  the  state 
of  feeling  in  regard  to  slavery  and  its  issues,  both  at 
the  North  and  the  South,  than  anything  that  has 
gone  before  it.  At  the  North,  the  all  but  unanimous 
sympathy  which  has  been  felt  and  uttered  for  the 
fate,  if  not  for  the  deed,  of  John  Brown  shows  how 
much  the  old  pro-slavery  glamour  has  been  dispelled 
that  formerly  darkened  men’s  eyes.  An  assault  on  the 
legalised  property  of  a Southern  State  in  which 
lives  were  lost  was  not  a thing  likely  at  first  sight  to 
awaken  the  sympathy  and  admiration  of  the  hard- 
working and  calm-thinking  North.  It  was  because 
the  true  nature  of  that  pretended  property  and  the 
mischiefs  flowing  from  its  permissive  existence  were 
understood  and  appreciated,  as  never  before,  that 
John  Brown  stood  up  before  the  masses  of  the 
North  as  a hero  instead  of  a felon,  and  his  act 
looked  to  them  like  a virtue  instead  of  a crime. 


284  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PE  OWN 

“ All  the  history  of  the  country  for  the  last  thirty 
years  had  been  conducting  the  general  mind  up 
to  this  plane  of  opinion  and  feeling.  Five-and- 
twenty  years  ago  such  an  act  as  Brown’s  had  been 
impossible,  and  such  a state  of  sentiment  con- 
cerning it  an  absurd  supposition.  Texas  and 
Mexico,  the  War  of  the  Right  of  Petition,  the  Com- 
promise Measures,  the  Repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  the  Kansas  War,  the  attempted 
assassination  of  Sumner,  the  proposed  re-opening 
of  the  Slave  Trade,  had  all  been  teaching  great 
lessons  to  the  people  of  the  North.  Slavery  would 
not  suffer  the  North  to  forget  her  existence  or  to 
shut  its  heavy  eyes  to  her  forward  footsteps.  The 
Northern  people  were  forced  to  see,  whether  they 
liked  it  or  not,  that  their  liberties  were  inextricably 
entangled  with  the  fetters  of  the  slave,  and  that  the 
one  could  not  be  secure  until  the  other  had  been 
broken.  And  so  when  an  earnest  hand  struck  a 
blow  for  the  deliverance  of  the  slaves,  that  blow, 
though  baffled,  awakened  a thrill  and  an  echo  in 
thousands  of  Northern  hearts. 

“ And  while  these  passions  have  been  developed 
at  the  North,  antagonistic  passions  have  blazed 
up  in  the  South  with  a fury  never  yet  seen  in 
action.  Never  before  was  the  South  — meaning 
thereby  the  controlling  slave-holding  element  of  the 
slave-holders  which  holds  all  else  in  check — in  so 
frantic  a state  of  excitement  as  at  present.  It  is 
an  excitement  of  mingled  terror  and  hatred  — fear 
of  all  the  blacks  at  the  South  and  hatred  of  the 


RESULTS:  CONCLUSION 


285 


whites  at  the  North.  Their  whole  course  is  one 
tending  yet  more  to  alienate  the  North,  and  to 
make  its  inhabitants  feel  that  there  is  not  much 
Union  left  to  save  or  dissolve.” 

Before  the  execution,  E.  C.  Stedman  in  his  poem, 
“ John  Brown  of  Ossawattomie,”  had  made  a direct 
appeal  to  the  Virginians  to  exercise  mercy  in  their 
own  interests,  as  the  violent  death  of  their  prisoner 
would  be  sure  to  cry  aloud  for  vengeance. 

“ But,  Virginians,  don’t  do  it ! for  I tell  you  that  the  flagon, 

Filled  with  blood  of  Old  Brown’s  offspring,  was  first  poured 
by  Southern  hands ; 

And  each  drop  from  Old  Brown’s  life-veins,  like  the  red  gore 
of  the  dragon, 

May  spring  up  a vengeful  Fury,  hissing  through  your  slave- 
worn  lands  ! 

And  Old  Brown, 

Ossawattomie  Brown, 

May  trouble  you  more  than  ever  when  you’ve  nailed  his 
coffin  down ! ” 


These  extracts  show  that  many  earnest,  thought-  "*•• 
ful  men  believed  that  now  was  the  beginning  of 
the  end.  TVs  in  very  deed  it  was,  Brown’s  death  ) 
— putting  ' the  crown  to  the  noble  work  of  the 
Abolitionists  — made  Lincoln’s  election  certain. 
Lincoln’s  election  caused  the  Southerners  to  vote 
themselves  out  of  the  Union.  “ Father  Abraham  ” 
called  up  his  volunteers,  saved  the  Union,  and 
abolished  slavery.  And  as  the  sturdy  Northerners 
marched  Jo  victory  through  long  years  of  bloody 
warfare,  it  was  with  John  Brown’s  name  on  their 
lips,  and  his  spirit  in  their  hearts. 


286  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN 


“John  Brown’s  body  lies  mouldering  in  the  grave, 

But  his  soul  is  marching  on.” 

To  complete  the  story  of  his  comrades  and 
family. 

Six  of  Brown’s  followers  remained  in  the  hands 
of  the  Virginians,  viz.,  Cook,  Coppock,  Copeland, 
Green,  Stevens  and  Hazlett.  Urged  by  his  relatives, 
Cook  had  written  a confession  in  the  hope  of 
escaping  the  extreme  penalty,  but  without  avail. 
His  friends  continued  to  use  every  endeavour  to 
save  him,  even  to  the  extent  of  preparing  plans 
of  escape ; which  failed,  although  both  Cook  and 
Coppock  got  as  far  as  the  top  of  the  outer  wall  of 
the  prison.  Had  they  arrived  there  the  night 
previous,  when  a friendly  sentry  was  on  guard, 
they  would  in  all  probability  have  succeeded  in 
their  attempt.  On  16th  December  Copeland,  Green, 
Cook  and  Coppock  were  executed,  but  it  was  not 
until  March  i860  that  Stevens  and  Hazlett  paid 
the  penalty. 

Of  John  Brown’s  household  but  little  remains  to 
be  told.  Four  children  of  his  first  family  survived 
him,  and  of  these  Hinton  in  1894  gave  the  following 
particulars. 

John  Brown,  junr.,  was  then,  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
three,  living  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie.  He  was 
a captain  in  the  Northern  Army  during  the  Civil 
War.  Jason,  aged  seventy -one,  was  living  in 
California.  Owen,  who  escaped  from  Harper’s 
Ferry,  died  in  California  in  1890,  in  his  sixty-sixth 


RESULTS:  CONCLUSION  287 

year.  Ruth  was  residing  in  California  with  her 
husband,  Henry  Thompson. 

Of  the  second  family,  Salmon  was  living  in 
Washington,  having  been  a lieutenant  in  the 
Northern  Army  during  the  war.  Annie  — Mrs 
Adams — Sarah,  unmarried,  and  Ellen — Mrs  Fabinger 
— were  all  living  happily  in  California. 

It  was  in  1863  that,  accompanied  by  her  son 
Salmon  and  her  daughters,  Mrs  Brown  removed  to 
California.  Here  she  remained  until  1882,  when 
she  was  at  last  able  to  gratify  a deeply-cherished 
wish  to  visit  North  Elba  once  more,  and  for  the 
first  time  to  look  on  the  scenes  of  her  husband’s 
sufferings  and  labours  in  Kansas.  Public  receptions 
were  given  her  in  Chicago,  Boston,  Springfield,  and 
Topeka,  the  capital  of  Kansas.  She  was  further 
gratified  by  the  recovery  of  Watson’s  remains, 
which  were  placed  by  the  side  of  his  father’s  on 
the  bleak  Adirondack  hillside.  It  was  the  last 
effort  of  a life  rich  in  self  - sacrifice.  She  did  not 
survive  her  return  many  months. 

Mary  Ann  Brown  is  worthy  of  remembrance 
with  her  husband.  Taking  charge  of  his  five 
children  in  1832  when  only  in  her  eighteenth  year, 
she  devoted  herself  to  his  interests  and  work,  and 
conscientiously  discharged  every  duty  devolving 
upon  her.  For  long  months  in  succession  she  bore 
absence  from  her  husband  and  sons,  toiling  with 
her  daughters  to  cultivate  the  farm,  because  she 
believed  her  husband  was  serving  God  by  working 
for  the  slaves.  A sincere  Christian,  a daily  reader 


288  LIFE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  PRO  WN 


of  the  Bible,  she  entered  fully  into  his  crusade,  and 
believed  he  had  a God-appointed  mission.  It  was 
a life  which  but  few  could  have  lived.  Unrelieved 
by  any  seasons  of  excitement,  public  applause,  or 
sense  of  victory  won,  it  was  one  prolonged  en- 
durance and  quiet  resignation,  ending  at  last  in 
the  supreme  agony  of  Harper’s  Ferry.  Surely, 
wherever  John  Brown’s  story  is  told,  this  ought 
always  to  be  said  of  Mary  Brown,  “ She  hath  done 
what  she  could.” 


THF.  END 


Colston  &P  Coy.  Limited , Printers,  Edinburgh 


Sofm  Proton's  £o.$|n 


Sing  the  verses.inthc  order  in  which  they  are  numbered.  Do,  not  sing  the 
thorns  after  the  third  verse,  but  go  at  once  to  the  fourth,  and  then  close  with 
the  chorus. 


].  John  Brown’s 
3.  John  Brown 
*4.  Now  has 
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7 — 7 7 $~~~7 — V 


— F 


John  Brown’s  bo  - dy  lies  a 
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Now  has  come  the 

-9- -0- -0-  -0-  . -»■  . -a- 

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mould’ring  in  the  grave, 

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John  Brown’s  bo-dy  lies  a mould'nng  in  the  grave,  But  his 

John  Brown  died  that  the.  slave  might  be  free,  But  his 

Now  has  come  the  glo-rious  jn  - bi  - lee,  When  all 

■0-  0 . -0- . -0-  > -0-  . e-  9-  . -0  * 


:t===tr=rE~C~t=Ezlrt==4=ti±=t=c±z:F=:-EE:q 

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, i B j ^ 


soul's  marching 

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soul’s  marching 

on.  > 

Glo  - ry, 

glo  - 

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man  - kind  are 

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U L — iTt: — 3 

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i / ? 

* The  words  of  the  fourth  verse  do  not  correspond  fully  to 
adaptation  can  be  easily  made  by  the  singer. 

/ / / 

the  nQtes,  but  the 

3E 


Fa  j 

in-j.ili,  Glo-r5’,glo-ry  Hal-le  ? lt'-jab,  Glo  - ry,glo-ry  Hal-le- 
■&-  -o- -f-.  -f-  -jg-  ?#- 


!■-  ■ I-  ■ ...f-w— »■■  a I- — W _ | . j.  ~T — C— I |I'~1 

F ^ 1 


•-'*'— 1 *-=■*-©— — • s • — $ 

ujah.His  soul’s  marching  on.  2.  He  captured  Harper’s  Ferry  with  h 


J 

•«- 


rcL 


-#- 

i-T: — ;--:■  --  l-,..'~l — t^=C=t:-|r:3 

✓ / / / / ✓ 


^ |*>  « / / 1/  ✓ 


nineteen  men  so  true,  And  he  frightened-old  Vir-gi  - nia  till  she 


2=023^ 

/✓/Pi 


iL’.'i'JJ. 


— o-d 


*=f=*±=*i 


35—: 


J 


trembled  through  and  through. They  hung  him  for  a traitor, them- 


■ / 1/  / / I /✓////!/ 


J 


r — -s- 


. . . ✓ r T . 

selves  the  traitor  crew,  But  his  soul’s  marching 


* • ~WB“  » A 

-0-  .9.  .t—  -4—  +--  -t—  -R  * 

— h — t,— 


:te 


975 . 58  N564 


308506 


